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From a portrait attributed to Marc Ghaeraedts in the possession of Lady Capel Curt 
Photographer, Medici Society. 


1607-1 642 


Edited with Notes and an Introduction 





r 933 


Constable and Company Ltd. 


Oxford University Press 


The Macmillan Company 
of Canada, Limited 




The Letters comprised in this book have been in the main 
selected from Additional MSS. 27,999 and 28,000 in the 
British Museum. These manuscripts are two out of a 
collection of seven volumes of family correspondence 
(27,999-28,005) purchased by the Museum in 1869, probably 
from Sir Henry Oxenden of Broome Park, Kent. Each of 
the volumes^ ranging in date from 1589-1710, contains be- 
tween two and three hundred letters : a detailed study has 
shown that they are not in all cases bound up in correct 
chronological order. 

Two Letters (Nos. CLV and CLXXII) have been drawn 
from a volume of Sir Thomas Peyton’s correspondence in 
Lady Capel Cure’s possession, by her permission ; one, 
(Letter CCV) is printed from a small collection of Oxinden 
Papers belonging to the Kent Archaeological Society in 
the Maidstone Museum, with their consent. The Oxinden 
MSS. in possession of the Dean and Chapter of Canterbury 
(chiefly title deeds) have also been used for certain informa- 

I have many acknowledgements to make of help received 
in the course of my work. The kindness of Lady Capel Cure 
and of other more recent owners has permitted the repro- 
duction of family portraits which bring the reader face to face 
with some writers of the Oxinden Letters. Almost as this 
book went to press the unique collection of Oxinden Por- 
traits, by. the ill-fortune of our time, was broken up, and 
pictures of father and son, husband and wife, which had hung 
side by side for two or three centuries on the walls of Dene, 
Maydekin and Broome are now widely dispersed. Miss 
Slater also allowed reproductions to be made of portraits in 
her ownership of Henry Oxinden of Barham and his son 
Thomas, by Janssen. The President of Corpus Christi 
College, Oxford, afforded me valuable assistance in annotat- 
ing the letters of Robert Hegge and James Holt of that 



college, and the Warden of Wadham information as to the 
residence of Edward Peyton : Mr. Percy Maylam of 
Canterbury contributed a note on Gavelkind ; the Reverend 
R. U. Potts and Mr. Arthur Hussey of Wingham drew in 
my behalf on their stores of local knowledge. Mr. Ernest 
Fedarb constructed the admirable map which sets out the 
neighbourhood as far as possible as it was at the date of the 


14 Precincts, Canterbury, 
December 1931. 










BIBLIOGRAPHY - - - - 314 

INDEX 315 


sir henry oxinden, KT., of deane - Frontispiece 
By permission of Lady Capel Cure. 




By permission of Messrs. Pawsey and Payne. 


By permission of Lady Capel Cure. 


By permission of Miss M. B. Slater. 


By permission of the Galeries A. Hartveld, Antwerp. 



By permission of Messrs. Leggatt Brothers. 



By permission of Sir Charles Holmes. 


By permission of Miss M. B. Slater. 


By permission of O. Dan, Esquire. 







HENRY OXINDEN ------ 298 

By permission of Lady Capel Cure. 



The Oxinden family flourished long on Kentish soil. At the 
head of their pedigree 1 is the name of Solomon Oxinden, 
“ de Oxinden in Nunnington,” married to a Kentish lady, 
Jocosa or Joyce Den, and buried at Nonington in the time of 
Edward III. Solomon’s younger son, Richard Oxinden, is 
outstanding in these early annals ; he became Prior of Christ- 
church, Canterbury, at the age of thirty, governed the 
Benedictine House efficiently for nine years, entertained 
King Edward, Philippa, and the Black Prince as a three 
years’ child, finding the money for cups of silver and ala- 
baster, a palfrey, and other gifts of price. He built the great 
decorated window in St. Anselm’s Chapel, and somewhere in 
St. Michael’s Chapel his ashes lie. Richard, like others of his 
race, had a fluent pen : letters of his survive in the Cathedral 
records ; one of them, on some trivial occasion, deserved an 
episcopal rebuke, being expressed, “ non cum debita 
brevitate sed inutili verbositate.” 2 

The Prior’s elder brother, Allan, carried on the family : in 
the succeeding generation the heir, another Richard, is first 
described as “ of Wingham,” and in the next again, under 
King Richard II, a burial in the South Chapel of Wingham 
Church, dedicated to St. John, first occurs ; hitherto the 
family had used the North Chapel or Brooke Chantry : these 
chapels remained for centuries their resting-places. 3 Under 
Henry VI came the grant of Arms, made on February 6th, 
1445, to John Oxinden of Wingham by John Wyxworth, 

1 Printed in Archceol. Cant., vol. vi. 


8 Memorials of the Cathedral and Priory of Christ in Canterbury , Wood- 
ruff and Danks, p. 146. 

3 Hussey, Chronicles of Wingham , pp. 91-95. 



“ Lyon King atte Armes of the Duche of Lyon.” “ I 
the seyde Lyon King atte Armes,” it runs, (as copied 
from the antient original by Henry Oxinden of Barham) 
“ atte prayer, instance and request of the seyde John, have 
made due search, and found the right armes of the seyde 
John, as their progenitors, tyme out of mynde, have borne 
them. That is to say, hee beareth Sylver iii Oxen sabul, 
armed with gooldys, a cheveryn of the same.” 1 As a rule 
the Oxinden patronage was all for Wingham, and for their 
Chantries, blazoned with the three oxen sable on a silver field ; 
but one Richard who died in 1469, having no heir, built a 
“ campanile ” for the neighbouring church at Goodnestone. 
Richard’s wife, a local heiress, Jane de Wenderton, had 
brought into the family, on her marriage in 1440, her estate 
of Brooke in Wingham, thenceforward their principal seat. 
In the latter part of Henry VI they acquired, by purchase, or 
possibly also by marriage, the Manor of Dene in the same 
parish. 2 

About 1492 some younger members of the family begin to 
style themselves “ of Dene ” ; the first Thomas of Dene, 
being son of a second son, married into trade, Elizabeth, 
daughter of one Rainscroft of London, fishmonger, and was 
buried far from home in the Church of St. Mary Magdalen, 
near the old Fishmarket, in London. 

The generation which, in 1547, saw the venerable College 
of Priests at Wingham dissolved, and the Collegians’ tim- 
bered houses pass into lay hands, once and for all branched 
out in two directions ; the elder line, represented by William 
Oxinden, remained as heretofore at Brooke ; the younger, 
represented by his brother Henry, settled themselves at 
Dene, or Deane as it is often called. Record leaves it unde- 
termined whether William or Henry was the “ Master 
Oxendon,” Churchwarden of Wingham, who took a cross of 
“ silver and guilt, enamelled with Mary and John,” from the 
Clerk, as he bore it before the Gospeller descending from 

1 Arch. Cant., vol. vi. p. 277 (Lyon* wrongly printed Gyan). 

2 Hasted, iv. p. 696. 



the Rood loft, and gave it to his neighbour, James Hales, 
“ Seriante at the Lawe,” like himself a staunch upholder of 
the Reformation, to decide, at his leisure, between the respec- 
tive ownership of the College and the parish. 1 

Henry Oxinden, if it were he, lived to be a very old man ; 
about thirteen years before his death he rebuilt the mansion 
at Dene, and dying in 1597, in his eighty-fifth year, left it 
to his second son Henry ; the elder son, Edward, having 
already succeeded to his uncle William’s estates at Brooke. 

With Henry, — becoming in 1606 Sir Henry Oxinden, 
Knight, of Dene in Wingham, — and his two sons, Sir James 
Oxinden and Richard Oxinden, this present series of family 
papers begins ; while Sir Henry’s grandson, Richard’s son, 
Henry Oxinden of Maydekin in Barham, is the hero of the 


From the days of the Roman traveller two roads, like the 
two hands of a clock, have forked out from Canterbury ; the 
northerly towards the haven of Richborough, and later on of 
Sandwich ; the southerly towards the Cinque Port of Dover. 
The Sandwich road, after it has crossed the belt of wooded 
hills safeguarding the Cathedral sanctuary, runs, very straight, 
between foothills of the North Downs — among which the 
coal-measures lie — and a strip of marshland where Stour and 
Nailboume and their tributaries filter out towards the sea- 

About six miles out from Canterbury on this northern road 
is the village of Wingham. The fine church — having a tall 
tower and steeple, and an arcading of chestnut-stems, instead 
of stone columns, within — keeps the entrance ; opposite it is 
a row of black and white houses of the greatest charm ; on 
the thatched roof of one, green polypody clusters thickly ; all 
have overhanging casements, gables and massive carved 
beams ; one, standing at the farther end, is an old inn, within 
which modem partitions conceal a spacious hall, and where 
the sign of the Red Lion hangs over the street. 

1 Arch, Cant., vol. xiv. p. 311. 


This group of old-fashioned dwellings was once no doubt 
connected with the College of Priests. The Mansion House, 
vanished now, in which the Palmer family followed, after the 
Dissolution, on a long line of Provosts, stood eastward of the 
church. By the Red Lion the high road deploys sharply 
to right and left. The left-hand section, passing between 
many other old, but less ancient, cottages, progresses through 
the village, amply margined with grass and delightfully 
shaded with pollard lime-trees, and, by way of Ash, presently 
drops to the Sandwich marshes. One must follow the right- 
hand section to arrive at Dene Manor. The country here is 
very open, the leafage clustered in scattered copses, and the 
rise towards the Downs gives a wide backward view in the 
direction of the sea and the Stour lowlands. Dene itself — 
alas ! the old house is no more, and a storm not long since 
blew down the Oxindens’ dove-cote — is in a crevice of the 
Downs ; a broad and steep shoulder, a great stretch of culti- 
vation, now crowned by modern waterworks, shelters it on the 
east, and there are hills to south and west, the lower slopes 
covered with orchard and hop-garden. Northward it has an 
open green alley, and can look out over fields to view Wing- 
ham steeple and catch the winds from the sea. Where the 
main road dips sharply down to join the old approach there 
is a tangled copse, veiling piles of Roman masonry and walls, 
long since ruinous even when Sir Henry Oxinden rebuilt his 
mansion in Elizabeth’s reign. 

An old drawing of the house gives an idea of its homely 
looks. A long roof, centred by a small cupola or bell-tower ; 
three gables standing forward, the central having the plain 
square entrance door ; three other gables standing back, re- 
cessed ; three rows of heavily mullioned casements ; the 
whole plainly, solidly and roomily built in good red brick and 
roofed in reddish tiles. So one reconstructs it in imagination, 
pictures Sir Henry and his lady (the heiress, Elizabeth 
Brooker) admiring their handiwork ; and next in the lint of 
tenancy, Sir James and his stately wife, Margaret Nevinson 
from Easrtry ; and next their son, gallant Colonel Henry 



Oxinden, bringing home from Leeds Abbey his lovely bride, 
Elizabeth Meredith (after that wedding ceremony in Leeds 
Church which Henry of Barham describes with so much 
poetic feeling). Thither also Sir James’s favourite daughter, 
Elizabeth Dallison, returns to make a second home with 
her three babes ; and her sisters, Jane Oxinden, now the 
Lady Piers, and Anne, now Mrs. Master, pass out on their 
husbands’ arms ; and one sad day the dead body of Sir 
James’s youngest son, James Oxinden, slain in a duel, is 
carried over the threshold and his mother, her proud spirit 
brought very low, betakes herself in tears to her chamber. 

There are spaniels about the place, and horses in plenty in 
the “ pad- warehouse ; ” summer and winter Sir James’s 
“ cotch ” rumbles along the lanes to Canterbury, for a dis- 
course in the Sermon-house or a Latin Play at the Deanery ; 
and his neighbours ride over there to interview the lawyer 
about some one of their many “ sutes,” or even to arrange 
matters with their creditors. 

The marriage-ties between house and house scattered 
about East Kent were drawn so close and bound together so 
many generations, that to live there was to be in the midst of 
a large and usually harmonious family party. Most people 
acknowledged cousinship as well as neighbourhood ; not- 
able friendships grew up between the younger members, like 
that between Henry Oxinden of Dene (or “ Deane ” as he 
preferred to call it) and his namesake Henry Oxinden of 
Barham ; there was always a newcomer to be “ made a 
Christian ” amidst the gathering of god-parents and friends ; 
or some other, now leaving their pleasant company, to be 
escorted to his last rest. A note of passing annoyance may 
indeed be detected when an intruder outside the magic 
ring, a Thomas Marsh, for example, whose father is reported 
to have been “ writ yeoman ” in the title-deeds of his 
Brandred estate, or Katherine Culling, no better than old 
Goldman Culling ’s daughter, sets a determined foot over the 
border-line, or even, in the second generation, like Marsh’s 
son, seeks a grant of arms : “ they say it is don,”gruffs old 



John Philipott, Somerset Herald, “ but I am no ways partie 
to it, I thank god.” 

Apart from such infrequent pushfulness, there is a proper 
good feeling between yeoman and squire, squire and his 
tenants and labourers. The same families from the cottage, 
the Julls, the Shepheards, the Coopers, serve, father to son, 
the same family at the mansion ; the one is faithful and loyal, 
not ill-content, the other kindly, appreciative, affectionate ; 
patronage, if it exists, is not yet recognized for what it is. 
Only in the background there is still much ignorance, 
savagery even, as Henry Oxinden’s plea for a poor witch’s life 
bears witness. 

In this Kent Commonwealth of Englishmen field sports are 
a strong bond of union. Again and again the hunt careers 
over the steep downs, pursuing the flying fox, coursing with 
the hare ; Peytons and Oxindens and Masters, Captain 
Percivall of Archcliffe Fort with Mr. Toke of Bere, they 
meet in the early morning and hail in their company the 
High Sheriff, even on occasion Dr. Isaac Bargrave, the Dean 
of Canterbury himself. Yet the days of disunion which 
break up this pleasant fellowship are drawing near. 

A glance at the map shows the near neighbourhood of the 
great houses ; climbing up and over the Downs, southward 
from Dene, the chimneys of Denne Hill appeared presently 
on the left among the trees, and but little farther on, north- 
west of the Dennes’ Estate, Sir Francis Nethersole had built 
his mansion ; nowadays his name is only to be heard of on 
the monuments on Wymynswold Church wall. Having 
dropped over the ridge, a little below Denne Hill, one meets 
the second of the forked roads coming from Canterbury, the 
road that, unlike its Sandwich companion, travels high on the 
hillside, catches the Channel weather and drifts up quickly 
with winter snows. 

Follow it backwards, Canterbury-wards, a few miles, and 
one may halt on yet other doorsteps from which letters 
addressed to Henry Oxinden of Barham were dispatched. 
Ileden, fcft example, where Queen Marie de’ Medicis stopped 



in the wood to take fruit, though her lap-dogs disdained to 
drink without a silver dish ; where the Bakers, poor in all but 
children, must have found refuge with her ladyship ’s father, Sir 
Thomas Wilsford — Ileden is perched up on the ridge to the 
right so that it cannot be seen from the high road. There is a 
windmill close here and the grass is scored by trenches dug 
in the Great War and by earlier diggings, when Jutish chief- 
tains , graves and their gold amulets and a round brooch were 
brought to light. Far beneath, on the left of the high road, 
under a great shoulder, stands Kingston Church, with its 
memories of Dr. Walter Balcanquall and of Michael Huffam’s 
ministrations in the Rector’s absence at his Deanery. Keep- 
ing down along the lower level one arrives at Bishopsboume 
Church, with Hooker’s monument and the yew hedge he 
planted in the Rectory garden. Here too one strikes the 
Nailboume or Lesser Stour ; just beyond, at the next village 
of Bridge, the river, from its springs in the chalk hills, after 
it has strung on a silver chain Lyminge and Barham, 
Kingston and Bishopsboume, ceases abruptly its northerly 
course, turning sharply to the east. From Bridge it flows by 
some of the most romantic of Kent villages, Patrixboume 
(where the Bargraves wisely built their house named Bifrons), 
Bekesbourne (close to Colonel Proud’s at Garwinton), Little- 
bourne, and so into the marshes of the parent river, beyond 
Vincent Denne’s manor of Wenderton, by bleak Stourmouth. 

At Bridge, though nothing of his house now remains, 
lived Sir Edward Partherich and his wife “ Cousin Parthe- 
rich,” the Oxindens’ kinswoman. After their property had 
been sold to the Dutch merchant, Sir Arnold Braems, and 
their residence handsomely rebuilt as Bridge Place, one 
might, at any time, have met in Bridge street, a frequent 
guest of his, the painter, Cornelis Janssen. He went con- 
stantly to and fro between the neighbouring great houses, 
painting in turn such portraits of the friendly families, Ham- 
monds and Auchers, Peytons and Masters, and Oxindens, as, 
with their letters, must keep their memory alive. 




The high country between the forking roads is to-day bare, 
open, and wind-swept. When one has crossed the ridge, and 
begun the southward descent, there is a change ; less bleak- 
ness, something softer, more adorned, valleys clothed with a 
richer woodland. The open park of Broome Hall skirts the 
way. In spring — the time which perhaps best sets off this 
countryside, the great horse chestnuts sweep the ground with 
be-tapered branches ; sunshine flecks the beds of green dog’s 
mercury ; the nightingales sing and sing, never stopping 
when the cars rush past, any more than they stop to hear that 
wild soliloquy. Nearer Denton a green valley opens up : 
hedges of hurdle and quickset part the fields. Near where 
the road last dips close to the village, the down is crowned 
and crested with yews. All the way the blackbirds flute and 
the vagrant cuckoo is calling. The grassy slopes are spacious : 
the trees have a great girth and spread their arms widely . . . 
the moment has come for the Oxindens of Dene to put out 
another root. In the autumn of 1610 the destiny of a second 
son overtook young Richard Oxinden ; like a grain of corn 
from the ear he freed himself from Sir Henry’s paternal roof 
and planted his feet in this green valley among the North 
Downs, The occasion was a great one in his life. Some 
two and a half years before, being nineteen years old, he had 
married in St. Paul’s Church at Canterbury a bride newly of 
age, Katherine, third of the seven daughters of Sir Adam 
Sprakeling, of St. Paul’s Parish and of Ellington in the Isle of 
Thanet ; he was now the father of a son, Henry (bom in Can- 
terbury, January 18th, 1608) ; he had reached his majority ; 
time was ripe for him to set up his own establishment. On 
the 6th of October, 1610, with legal formality, there was 
settled on him, his wife Katherine for her jointure, and his 
heirs male, with remainder to his elder brother, Sir James 
Oxinden of Dene, the property once belonging to his maternal 
grandfather, James Brooker of Barham. These houses *and 
fields were his mother’s inheritance, she being sole heiress of 
the Brooker family. Their character may be judged from 



the indenture : “ a messuage/’ so it runs, “ in which James 
Brooker dwelt, with bams and 254 acres of arable, pasture 
and wood, in Denton and Barham ; a messuage called 
Gathurst with 170 acres, also in Denton and Barham ; 100 
acres of woodland in Denton, Barham and Wootton ; 5 acres 
of marsh in Dymchurch.’’ 1 These formed the bulk of 
Richard’s new domain. The mind’s eye travels over them, 
follows the cloud shadows across his sloping fields, traces, 
with the sun’s burning finger, his bronzed and reddening 
copses ; by the track of footsteps in the snow pursues the 
steep lane down to the doorstep of his gabled dwelling-house. 

The owners of the property before James Brooker had 
borne, rather confusingly, the surname of Brooke, “ of the 
family of the Lord Brooke ” ; and their still earlier prede- 
cessors the unusual one of Maydeacon. 2 The memory of 
these first owners survives in the house’s present-day name of 
Maydekin or Great Maydekin, with Little Maydekin as a 
dower house, standing close by, then as now, across the high 
road to Canterbury. 

The property invited development ; the house, in its 
sheltered hollow, judicious extension ; the downs immedi- 
ately around the house, judicious planting ; in tree-planting 
especially each owner improved on his predecessor and the 
valley grew lovelier year by year. The stages through which 
it passed lie plain to us, although three centuries have slipped 
away — James Brooker builds a stable, pad-warehouse, and 
coach-house, the stone wall from the little parlour to the 
street. 3 A family retainer, Ambrose Cooper, (father of 
Nicholas Cooper who is eventually to serve Richard and 
Henry Oxinden) has orders to plant ash-trees round the pond, 
an orchard above the pidgeon-house. 4 This was while 
Queen Elizabeth still reigned. Sir Henry Oxinden of Dene, 
husband of the heiress, Elizabeth Brooker, sets in her right 
a small forest of fruit trees. “ The 2 great peare trees, the 

#1 Maidstone Papers, Bundle 42.16. 

2 Philipott, Villare Cantianum (1659), p. 129. 

3 Genealogist , N.s. vol. viii. p. 131. 4 Ib. y vol. xxxvii.*]p. 195. 



warden trees and the 3 winter peare trees,” notes a grandson, 
in his Diary, “ were in the orchard before old Cooper’s 
remembrance, as hee told mee 1659, anno aetatis 73.” A 
countryman’s memory is long for such events. It is now 
Richard Oxinden ’s turn ; he plants in the good tradition, at 
first chiefly hedges, in the laying out of his estate, garden and 
meadows ; a new hedge between the hither-sown Cowlease 
and the Cherry Garden, a new hedge between the two 
Horse-leases. He builds, yet not in undue haste ; not 
until, after ten years of ownership, two more sons and a 
daughter call for lodging, and a tree has been set to register 
the birth of another girl, Elizabeth, on a January day, 1616. 
Then for a year or so there is no arrival, which gives time 
to enlarge Great Maydekin, to add chimneys, a new south 
front, a hall and study with rooms over it. Little Maydekin 
also has a share of improvement : Richard “ builded the 
hall to the Brick house,” which was, although only across 
the road, in the next parish of Denton. 

In this state Maydekin Great and Little were standing 
when Richard Oxinden died in 1629, in his forty-second 
year, and was buried in Denton Church. 

Henry, his eldest son, barely of age, was now master. He 
made some alterations in Great Maydekin at the time of his 
first marriage to Anne Peyton, in 1632 ; he “ seeled the 
chamber over the little parlour, took down the partition, and 
enlarged it from the chimney to the little closet,” and in the 
following year, as his diary records, “ tooke down the old 
malt-house, adjoining to the with-drawing roome ” — (those 
days of austerity were gone by when no one cavilled at the 
heavy scent of malt-drying in the best parlour). Next he 
“ went Squire-wise to the brew-house, and built it where 
it now standeth. New-builded the Milk-house and the 
roomes over, which all fell down of their own accord, by 
reason of age which brings all at last to the ground. Builded 
the great staires next the studie ; there is in them at -least 
13 Tunn of Timber.” By 1633 Henry’s house was finished 
to his liking, well and solidly — the home in which for twenty 



years he was to write letters and receive them, to face mis- 
fortune, and to bear those crushing burdens that civil strife 
lays upon the private citizen — until the day came when he 
could no longer afford to live at Maydekin at all. 

“Iam now like a man beseig’d in a castle,” he wrote sadly 
to the would-be purchasers, “ whose ammunition is so far 
wasted that I can hardly any longer hold out but must yeild 
myselfe to the mercy of those who have a mind to enter.” 1 
When that day dawned, most of all he must have regretted 
his trees, the wealth of timber that now beautified his fields. 
For to the last he continued to plant ; the record is scrupu- 
lously exact ; now a yew-tree before the great parlour-win- 
dow ; more distantly, eight yew-trees and holly trees upon 
the Holy Hill at South Barham ; “ horsbeeches going up to 
the round house and to my cherry garden, and the elm and 
the walnut tree beside the Cony-ground gate.” 2 

Scarcely any thing of seventeenth century planting, beyond 
the glorious memory of the trees in their prime, now survives. 
The huge elm-boles in the garden at Great Maydekin, which 
might surely be three centuries old, are pollarded to a shadow 
of their former splendour. The house itself still stands ; it 
has one old gable, and indoors many old beams remain of 
Henry Oxinden’s “ 13 tunn of timber.” The garden has its 
old walls, and an old-world peace ; some of the farm buildings 
on the hill-side may even have been there since Henry went 
squire-wise to erect his new brew-house and to replace the 
upper chambers which Time had cast down. 


Considering the vicissitudes which befell the Oxinden 
family in all its branches, it is the more remarkable that such 
a quantity of their seventeenth century correspondence has 
been handed down. The dislike of destroying old documents 
must have been in the blood, but it flowed most liberally in 
the veins of that untiring hoarder of the scrap of paper, 

1 Maidstone Papers, Bundle 43 (1653). 2 Genealogist , vol. aRsxi. p. iz6. 

b xxi 


Henry Oxinden of Barham. He had overwhelming respect 
for the written word, at times a lively sense of its mischievous 
possibilities, which yet could never bring him to tear up his 
old letters. He stored them for well-defined reasons. The 
first and obvious one was their serviceableness as a record of 
his multifarious transactions with family, neighbours and 
friends, and of his own career. He kept letters received ; he 
kept also drafts of letters despatched when they were of any 
importance, links it might be in some chain of careful nego- 
tiation. Thanks to these drafts, cramped, difficult, much 
corrected as they mostly are, mingled with fragments of verse 
in English, Greek and Latin, and scribblings of every sort, 
his correspondence escapes that one-sidedness so exasperating 
to an eager reader, that eavesdropper to whom not a word of 
it was addressed. Some of the drafts exist in no way altered, 
but elegantly re-written as they were sent off ; in other cases 
the absence of any copy is carefully noted. The story, be- 
tween the letters and their replies, is remarkably complete. 

Henry preserved also, in liberal amount, letters neither 
addressed to nor penned by himself, letters written in his 
early boyhood and by people he had never met. Some were 
evidently kept because of their narrative interest, the great 
affairs they touched upon. Such is Dean Balcanquall’s long 
letter to Sir James Oxinden of Dene, about the Thirty Years’ 
War and the tragedy of the Winter Queen, to whom the 
Oxindens’ near neighbour, Sir Francis Nethersole of 
Wymynswold had acted as Secretary. 

Other letters he put aside, one must believe, because they 
were characteristic of the writers, for a psychological interest 
which held the attention. Richard Oxinden ’s boyish scrawl, 
replying to an unjustified reproach on his elder brother’s part, 
has just that tang of an amused cynicism, that slightly defiant 
independence, natural to Henry himself ; to read it was to 
feel how much he was his father’s son. Then, too, Lady 
Peyton’s counsels to her newly married daughter, Ahne, 
wrung from the bitterness of personal experience — found no 
doubt Henry among his wife’s belongings after her early 


death — illustrate problems of conduct which always had an 
attraction for him, the relation of parent and child, husband 
and wife ; how deeply, time and again, they exercised his 
own mind. That letter he would read through, philosophise 
upon it awhile, set it at last on one side, duly docketed. The 
early letters of his more distant kinsfolk, the Pettits of Daunde- 
lion, how humane they are, how full of kindly sympathy and 
rare good sense ; what a contrast to his own, aloofness, to the 
restlessness and vague melancholy, which, it would seem, the 
Sprakeling connection introduced into his family. They 
bring alive old Valentine Pettit, genial as ever, spreading his 
patriarchal mantle over the destinies of little Matt Henneker 
— his wife's step-granddaughter at the nearest connection — 
determined if he knows how to settle her advancement, by 
way of domestic service, “ for some yeares ” of her youth to 
come ; overflowing, too, with sympathy for his widowed 
daughter-in-law, Hanna Pettit, as she awaits her baby's birth 
over there at Denton, and sending — to comfort her a little — 
those “ few smale Lopsteres taken yesterday ; and my desire 
was to have had more store of this morninge's takeinge, to 
have sent them alive.” That wish the northerly gales frus- 
trated, blowing strong off Margate. 

Henry Oxinden preserved two monumental letters to the 
memory of Lady Sprakeling, his mother’s mother, she who 
had borne and brought up that large “ pernickety ” family at 
Ellington in Thanet ; “ my ant Proud ” among them, so 
harsh of tongue, so generous provided her own purse-strings 
were secured ; and “ Sister Sprakeling,” cherishing a secret 
spite against vandals who felled her trees without license, and 
let the wintry storms blow in on her chimney comer. The 
first of these letters is from the pen of that noted physician, 
Dr. Jacob Vanderslaert of Sandwich, and recommends for her 
Ladyship's ailments his famous infallible compound of 
maidenhair and coltsfoot ; the second testifies to her Lady- 
ship's charitable soul, and makes immortal a being after 
Shakespeare's pattern, the widowed Mrs. Ellyn Kinton of 
St. Dunstan's, Canterbury. Mrs. Ellyn, who has placed out 



£10, all her savings, at interest in Lady Sprakeling’s keeping, 
desires her money, on the instant, repaid ; now she grumbles 
and now reiterates her plaint, “ being we are all mortall, your 
Ladiship will pardon me to be thus carefull, having such 
neede as I have and more may live to have,” and so on and so 


The Oxinden Letters owe no little of their interest to a close 
concern with the youth of that generation, born in the old 
peaceful rural England, which grew up under the storm skies 
of Civil War and lived through the sullen calm of the Puritan 

The routine of education was well established in the family 
of an East Kent landowner. University training for his 
eldest son, beginning perhaps at fourteen, followed often by 
a call to the Bar ; for one other son, the second, if gifted 
enough with brains, Oxford or Cambridge likewise, ordina- 
tion to the Church's ministry, and, to crown all, a family pre- 
ferment ; for any other sons, a London apprenticeship, lead- 
ing to a merchant's or shopkeeper's career. This routine was 
sometimes varied, as in the case of Thomas Coppin of 
Wickham Bushes, (and later in the chronicles, of his kinsman, 
Thomas Denne of Wenderton) by travel abroad. 

Thomas Coppin was a great wanderer ; having returned 
home to Kent after many months in Switzerland and Italy, he 
went overseas again to Holland, with Sir William Boswell, ’ 
the Secretary to the Hague, “ not now, as at first, to wander 
up and downe from place to place to satisfye my curiositye ” 
but “ to do myselfe good and make some use of those slender 
studyes and travells I have alreadye made.” 

Henry Oxinden 's college career at Corpus Christi, then 
under the headship of Dr. Anyan, was cut short by his 
father's early death, and the necessity of taking responsibility 
for the estate on which the family income depended. He was 
at Oxford long enough to acquire a dilettante scholarship and 
to make*a firm friendship with James Holt — a characteristic 



friendship, on the one side affectionate, open-hearted, ser- 
viceable, on the other, such as a man gives who is much self- 
absorbed, and more ready to accept than to render a generous 
admiration. James Holt made his career in his old college ; 
hence, in after years, it lay in his power to do his friend a 
service. Whatever one may think of his efforts on behalf of 
James Oxinden to obtain one of the two scholarships offered 
to natives of Kent, so that the young man might transfer him- 
self from St. John's College, Cambridge, where he already 
held a scholarship of £5, to Corpus at Oxford ; however one 
may estimate the wire-pulling, the soliciting in high places — 
they were in intention generous and self-forgetful ; while 
Henry's frantic campaign in his brother's interest — that well- 
timed offering of the “ Silver Tun to the use of the colledge,'* 
the lip-service to tutors he had scarcely known — is both so 
ingenuous and so futile that one can almost, if not wholly, 
pardon the garbled baptism certificate to which James, the 
would-be Scholar, anxiously drew attention ; “ I pray you, if 
you can conveniently, that you would not let the church book 
be seene, but keepe it in the house, or else order the Figures 
according to the writing that was sent up by Good[man] 

Henry Oxinden 's tutor was Robert Hegge, whose letters to 
Richard Oxinden, about that “ hopefull sonne, . . . the Map 
and Epitomie ” of himself, and to Mrs. Oxinden, containing 
how diplomatically Henry's portrait, “ growne very taull of 
stature but withall very slender,” set in a most favourable 
light a benefactor to his college of whom all too little is known. 

And James himself, the coveted Corpus scholarship having 
fallen to another man of Kent, Thomas Francklin of Ash- 
ford (who afterwards gained a Fellowship), James remains on 
at St. John's, neither very able nor perhaps very industrious, 
frail in health, careless and extravagant. His tutors, at first 
Francis Blechynden, then that excellent person Allen Hen- 
man, and later Henry Fallowfeild, take an interest in his 
career, qualified by the difficulty they experience in getting 
money enough out of the Squire of Maydekin to pay tuition 



fees and to keep James suitably clothed, fed and lodged. 
“ The monyes you last sent/’ writes Sir Fallowfeild in exas- 
peration, “ after a more then Spanish inquisition maide, was 
heard of so shatterdly and by peace-meale payd him, it did 
him litle or noe service. ... I petition for him you would 
furnish him with monyes whereby decently he might ap- 
parrell himself ... a Coll : goune will cover a multitude of 
falts which a Country coate will discover to the eye of the 
world ; he is well enough cloathed for a poore scholler in 
St. Joh : Coll : but short of a Kentish gentleman.” The 
tutor’s office, when many of the undergraduates in his charge 
were mere children, called for a paternal supervision : Henry 
Fallowfeild, however, drew the line firmly ; “ for the bed- 
maker, landresse and the rest of that rable I medle not at 
all.” The monies for which he pleads and for which James 
pens laboriously queer, amusing, bombastic demands, full of 
tags of Latin which he has reason to hope make a strong 
appeal to Henry’s erudition, are very often already on the 
road from Kent to Cambridge, in the hands of Dickenson the 
carrier, or in any case are sent on speedily. Henry was not 
ungenerous, but perennially short of cash and keenly alive to 
James’s extravagance and his inability to keep count of the 
allowances he actually received. Their relations were often 
strained, but James took his degree at last, although even 
then his expensive university training was not complete. In 
preparation for orders Henry persuaded him to go to Oxford 
for a term or two and there to pursue his theological studies, 
“ to leame all the best commentators uppon each booke of the 
old and new testament, and seing your time is short there, 
dwell not upon any author but take a superficiall veiw of all 
choice ones.” 

One can but admire Henry’s persistence and ingenuity in 
helping James to preferment ; anxiety and pains which at 
last secured for him the small living of Goodnestone next 
Faversham, where he married early and died before theJRe- 
storation. Henry’s fraternal obligations did not cease when 
James had become a beneficed clergyman of high episcopal 



notions. Richard, the next brother, had been apprenticed 
by his father, shortly before he died, upon the advice of that 
good kinsman, the younger Valentine Pettit, with a Mr. New- 
man, a cloth merchant of Fish Street. Richard’s master, 
“ much alter’d since hee hath beenemarryed,” proved entirely 
unsuitable ; he bullied his apprentices and was all too ready 
with the stick. Not that the rod, or an attack of the small- 
pox, or even homesickness for the Kent hills, could depress 
for long Dick Oxinden’s wild spirits. He went off at last, 
swaggering, devil-may-care, whither he was better suited ; 
he exchanged his cloth-rule for a sword, and joined his uncle, 
gallant Colonel Proud, fighting in Guelderland. 

There still remained one brother to be started in life, 
Adam, youngest of the family, an afterthought bom in 
1622 and named for Grandfather Sprakeling. By this time 
Henry had secured a fresh link with the City of London, in 
the person of his brother-in-law, Thomas Barrow, a mercer 
in Cheapside, and of this he took ample advantage. 

Thomas was an upright, simple, kind-hearted fellow, de- 
votedly “ at command ” of his wife’s grand relations. At 
Henry Oxinden’s behest, he found a master for Adam, one 
Mr. Brooks, who dealt in merceryware on the Old Exchange. 
Through many vicissitudes — and one thorn in Adam’s lot 
was the fact that his family bought their gold and silver 
ribbons and fringed gloves from Mr. Brooks and the account 
stood unreasonably long — Thomas watched over the young 
man like a father, fought his battles when he got into scrapes, 
stood by him when he suddenly left the Exchange, pleaded 
with the obdurate Henry and with Mrs. Oxinden’s petulancy 
that they should not oppose his earnest wish to go to sea. 
Clearly the Oxindens were not cut out for trade ; the routine 
of business chimed ill with their independence and that love 
of the free air inbred in them through centuries among the 
Kentish downs. Ultimately, with the rest of his contem- 
poraries, the Civil Wars claimed young Adam, though not for 
very long ; he died at Oxford in January 1643 and was buried 




The education of his sisters, Katherine and Elizabeth, cost 
Henry Oxinden but few pence and little anxiety ; even when 
it came to their marriages, Katherine Oxinden owed the 
faithful Thomas Barrow to her uncle Sir James’s admirable 
chaperonage. “ You shall finde me,” he writes, “ very care- 
full for my neece Katherine’s good ; if he shall come hither 
I shall tell him that a busines of this nature is first to be treate 
of by frends, and that if his father will give way to it, he shalbe 
welcome to me and by that I shall finde weather the younge 
man deales really.” 

The Oxinden sisters, “ Keate ”, Mrs. Barrow, absorbed 
with her babies, her household cares, her mother’s prolonged 
visitations at the Maydenhead, Barrow’s business house in 
Cheapside ; “ Bess,” still young and gay, who draws her 
modest allowance with such difficulty from Henry’s tight 
purse that sometimes she is obliged to borrow a little in 
anticipation from generous relations — these two are back- 
ground figures in the great family piece. 

They do not possess, at least at this stage of life, the dignity 
of Margaret, Lady Oxinden of Dene, nor the harsh vigour of 
their aunt, Mrs, Proud, once a Sprakeling of Ellington, nor, 
fortunately, their mother’s self-importance. Neither have 
they advanced much in literacy upon the elder generation. 
Lady Oxinden, indeed, possesses the medical skill character- 
istic of her times ; her opinion in illness is valued only second 
to that of the learned graduate of Padua, Dr. Edmund Ran- 
dolph of Canterbury. She can readily prescribe for her 
sister-in-law, water for the wind, to be taken with sugar in a 
tea-spoon, and “ rather cay it then drink it ” ; with tender 
solicitude she visits young Mrs. Henry Oxinden on her dying 
bed, and sends her an ointment for her aching forehead, a 
cordial for her racking cough. She too is a slightly better 
scholar, in so far as spelling is, in that age, any criterion, and 
a better scrivener than the Sprakeling sisters. Mrs. Oxinden 
and Mrs. Proud indite long letters and express themselves 
with great freedom — even caustically at times, when their re- 



latives have omitted to pay their “ commendasiones ”, or, for 
lack of correspondents they are “ a most in the mind that 
there is som inpost set one inke an paper ”, but their method 
of writing English is phonetic to a high degree, and embarrasses 
the standardized notions of our own day. Henry Oxinden 
did his sisters a great injustice when he left them as un- 
learned as their mother and Mrs . Proud, and pitifully ashamed 
of their lack of scholarship ; for their cousins, and their 
generation as a whole, showed a marked advance in education. 
Elizabeth Dallison, who is her mother, Lady Oxinden’s 
scribe, modest as she is about her own powers, writes 
a pretty script and a well-expressed letter ; between the 
illiteracy of Mary Proud and the erudition of Elizabeth 
Meredith of Leeds Abbey, Lady Oxinden’s accomplished 
daughter-in-law, who is complimented by Queen Marie de’ 
Medicis, at the Court of St. Augustine’s, on her French accent, 
there is a gulf fixed. Even Katherine Culling, Henry Ox- 
inden ’s second wife, though her father was a yeoman, spends 
four years at a boarding-school learning with gentlemen’s 
daughters, and Sir Edward Boys, a neighbouring squire, sends 
his girls from Fredfield to Ashford for their education. In- 
deed Henry Oxinden ’s standard for his own daughters was, 
when their time came, a vast improvement upon what had 
sufficed for poor Keate and Bess. 


Richard Oxinden’s will provided for each of his younger 
children the sum of three hundred pounds to be paid to the 
three sons at the age of twenty-two, to the two daughters at 
eighteen. The administration of the legacies was left in 
Henry Oxinden ’s hands as his father’s heir. 1 

There is nothing surprising in his at times rather heartless 
anxiety to get his younger brothers and sisters off his hands* 
As befitted the head of a family he married young, in 1632, 
three years after his father’s death, making a suitable match 

1 Arch . Cant., vi. p. 387. 



with Mistress Anne Peyton, a daughter of Sir Samuel Peyton 
of Knowlton. Their son, Thomas, was baptised in February 
1633; among the Letters is young Samuel Peyton’s elaborate 
apology because his slender £< posse ” forbade his “ welle ” to 
attend a nephew’s christening in far-off Kent. In place of 
his former cares Henry had taken on others far nearer to his 

The connection with his wife’s family, particularly with 
her eldest brother Thomas, was to have great influence on 
his after career. Sir Thomas Peyton was brother-in-law to 
Dorothy Osborne, having married as his first wife her sister 
Anne. Dorothy has drawn his portrait succinctly in one of 
the famous Letters, “ an honest gentleman, in earnest, has 
understanding enough, and was an excellent husband to two 
very different wives as two good ones could be.” 1 Having 
her verdict in mind one reads with the more interest the 
worldly wisdom of Sir Thomas’s bachelor days : “ Mee 
thinkes the Diamond showes best when t’is sett in gold, and 
a comely face looks sweeter when it stands by the king’s 
picture . . . necessity urges mee to observe that princely 
rule somewhat stricter then I would, to marry for the good of 
the state.” 

Anne Oxinden’s figure, whether before or after her mar- 
riage, scarcely more than passes across our stage. She was 
a bride in 1632 ; eight years later she was dead. Her 
brothers’, Thomas’ and Edward’s, boyish affection for 
her, their amusing confidences, their regret at parting from' 
so good a playmate ; Henry Oxinden’s letters to his 
“ Sweete Love,” eminently practical, commending his 
affairs, the rabbits, the silver plate, the fat peas, the barley, 
into her hands, doubting not she will have a care of them all ; 
her reassuring answer, with the girlish postscript “ Pray by 
mee a morning peake, which will cost 5s., and forgeat not a 
fumitur for my horse ” ; these, with Janssen’s portrait, are 
all the material available for an appraisement of her. e 

In the seventeenth century choice in marriage was largely 

1 Dorothy Osborne's Letters (Everyman Series), p. 156. 



a matter of parental forethought and of s.d. The com- 
ment of a would-be bridegroom, Thomas Coppin, as yet 
heart-free, to his uncle, Vincent Denne, indicates the worldly 
wisdom which prevailed : “You know ”, he says, “ the 
manner of this age is first to know what shee is worth. . . . 
I beg your good love and counsell, whereto I shall be as 
obedient as I am sure that will be sound and reasonable.” 

A hint here and there ; for instance, Henry Oxinden’s 
tardiness, under pressure both from his own family and the 
Peytons, in making provision for Anne’s children, suggests, 
perhaps unjustly, that his heart had not as yet been deeply 

After a short year of widowerhood, towards the close of 
1641 he was swept off his feet by an infatuation for his ward, 
Katherine Culling, a girl barely seventeen years old — a 
neighbour’s daughter. His family, especially his mother, 
disliked all the circumstances of the courtship. Even Henry 
himself declared that to remarry in this fashion meant the 
abandonment of high ambition for a lifetime of obscurity and 
narrow means ; yet he struggled uselessly against the spell 
this young girl threw upon him : the poet in him conquered 
the cynic ; the longing for companionship overset his cool 

Fiction could scarcely invent a stranger tale than that of 
Katherine Culling ’s abduction by Frances Wilsford, the 
Lady Baker. The motive for the attempt was supplied by 
poverty and the demands of a large family of eight small 
children. Lady Baker’s husband, Sir Thomas Baker, was the 
elder son of Sir Richard Baker, High Sheriff of Oxfordshire, 
and author of A Chronicle of the Kings of England which Sir 
Roger de Coverley read all one summer. Sir Richard had 
gone surety for the debts of his wife’s extravagant family, the 
Mainwarings of Ightfield in Shropshire, with the result that 
his last ten years of life (1635-1645) were spent in a debtor’s 
prison, and in the Fleet he died. Sir Thomas and his brother, 
generous-hearted and ashamed, in an endeavour to gain their 
father’s freedom paid his debts in their turn until they 



too were ruined. And so the Lady Baker, probably already 
driven to shelter under her father Sir Thomas Wilsford’s 
roof at Ileden, a harassed mother catching at any straw, con- 
ceived the wild, but in those days not original idea of enticing 
to London a pretty rustic heiress — flattered already by her 
Ladyship’s patronage — and of selling her hand in marriage 
to some adventurer ; if by good fortune a few pounds might 
reward her pains. So it happens that Katherine Culling, a 
country lass, with an itch to see the great world and the king 
a-riding through London, is to be sacrificed unwittingly on 
the altar of Sir Richard Baker’s quixotism. 

The plot comes to nothing because the victim has too much 
“ discretion ” to fall headlong into the trap, and at the critical 
moment runs away home, under the escort of her brother-in- 
law, Michael Huffam. 

The whole story is told in Henry’s letters to that most 
sensible of confidantes, his cousin Elizabeth Dallison. Or 
almost the whole : there is still an unsolved mystery, a letter 
dated in November but without the year, from Robert Coul- 
verden, Henry’s agent in London. What is the meaning of 
its cryptic sentences ; of “ your desire as to the cuting of It 
out of the book,” and of “ they dare not doe it by any means, 
for feare of future danger.” The letter can hardly belong to 
any other intrigue — was there actually a secret ceremony of 
marriage between Katherine and the man Shelton, the Lady 
Baker’s tool, up there in town ? Or, more probably, were 
banns surreptitiously put in, and was the bride-to-be, not 
unwillingly and a little alarmed, snatched away back to 
Kingston on the wedding eve ? Be that as it may, she re- 
turned to meet her guardian’s reproaches with disarming 
innocence ; his relief at her safety made him perhaps un- 
wary and he was already half in love. “ I advised her to be- 
ware,” he wrote to his cousin Elizabeth, “ how and to whom 
she married, and told her that her fortune and selfe deserved 
a good match, five to one better than myself. To which 
(casting her eies uppon mee, and as soone casting them downe 
againe), shee replyed, * I know noe man I can thinke a better 



match or can ” — a hiatus in the MS. leaves the meaning little 
in doubt. Within a few months, on September 15th, 1642, 
Henry Oxinden, gentleman, was married, in Barham Church, 
to Katherine Culling, aged eighteen. To meet the family 
objection to her lack of gentility he impaled with his own 
arms those of Matthew Parker ; his wife’s mother, Marie 
Allen, having been the Archbishop’s niece. 1 


This surprising episode, while it holds a mirror to the 
manners of the day, brings into high relief the actors’ char- 
acters. One knows Henry Oxinden better as he learns to 
know his own heart : one sees through Mrs. Oxinden’s dis- 
like of a “ young daughter ” to supplant her in the home 
which she prefers to have centred round herself : one recog- 
nises Katherine Culling as she really is, so cool and quick- 
witted ; so artful, already so well-versed in the knack of 
twisting a lover round her fingers. And incidently, one 
realises at last the nobility of the other Henry Oxinden of 
Dene. His cousin’s infatuation for a yeoman’s scheming 
girl strikes him as inexplicable, deplorable, inexcusable ; not 
because he cannot value true love, being himself a great lover, 
the faithful servant of one “ deity ” ; but rather, at the crisis 
of his country’s fortune, he can conceive of no pledge to be 
given excepting only to England. England trembles on the 
brink of civil faction ; “ itt is Mars, nott Venus, that now can 
helpe ; shee is now so much outt of fashion that where shee 
herselfe h^jre present, in all her best fashines, shee would be 
the gazeing stock of contempt to all but lashe and effaeminat 
mindes.” “ Were you butt heere,” he continues with ever- 
growing fervour, “ to heare the drummes, see the warlike 
postures and the glittering armour up and downe the towne, 
and behold our poore bleeding libertis att stake, itt would 
roqze your Sperits, if you have any left, socour that deepe 
drousie lethergie you are now orewhelm’d in . . . were I not 

1 Arch . Cant., vi. p. 284. 


maried, I would not the fairest creature in this Kingdome att 
this time, with ten thousand pounds.” 

At such a time as this to learn of passing events from the 
onlookers’ lips, to watch through their eyes the crises of 
history, is of no small advantage. And in reading the 
Oxinden Letters one becomes keenly aware of the gradual 
fevering of a nation’s soul, the repercussion of national 
tragedy on the mind of the individual Englishman. 

Three whole kingdoms are “ face to face with bliss or 
destruction ” ; confidence is shaken between boon compan- 
ions, brothers, parent and child. Even in a limited area like 
Kent the complexion of parties in East and West is forcibly 
contrasted. In the East a majority of the gentlemen and 
yeomen take up arms in response to the Militia Ordnance of 
Parliament ; in the West the majority are obedient to the 
King’s Commission of Array. 

In matters of religion the Church’s robe is torn from the 
top to the bottom : “ these parts are devided into so many 
sects and schismes that certainly itt denotes the latter day to 
bee very near at hand.” Bishop John Warner of Roches- 
ter, Laud’s friend, the champion of Episcopacy, despairs 
of a speedy, even of a happy ending to the nation’s per- 

Strafford’s head falls on the block ; yet one man at least is 
bold to say he loved not murder with the sword of justice. 
In Strafford’s ruin many others, including the Oxindens’ 
kinsman, Lord Treasurer Cottington, are involved. Hungry 
craftsmen and women, whose only grievance is want of trad- 
ing, crowd about the Parliament house ; never before have 
such throngs of oppressed subjects petitioned so humbly for 
redress and broken up so quietly. Sir Thomas Peyton goes 
sadly home to Knowlton “ to expect what I am to suffer in 
my cecunomicall government in this fiery declination of the 

“I finde all heere full of feares and almost voyd of hope,” 
writes Henry of Dene from London. What hope there is, he 
discovers in the character of the Parliament leaders, above all 



in John Pym’s stern purpose confronted only with Charles’s 
patchwork of threat and promise. 


The limiting date of this volume has been determined by 
the subject matter of the letters themselves. The year 1642 
in public affairs marks the definite outbreak of civil war ; in 
the family circle it finds Henry Oxinden entering on a new 
phase of life, with his second romantic marriage and his 
appointment as Vincent Denne’s executor, so full of conse- 
quence for his future career. Up to this point the story of 
his youth is rounded off. 

At the same time this choice of date in many respects does 
him injustice ; he is left at a moment when, the “ drowsy 
lethargy ” of passion spent, he is becoming once more alert 
and able to face his country’s dilemma. Readers of his 
letters have guessed at his scholarly tastes, at his literary 
preferences — sometimes a little irreverent — for the poetry of 
Dr. Donne and the quaint Albion’s England of William 
Warner : they have not as yet discovered in him a satiric 
versifier, expressing his views on the growth of mushroom 
sects through the medium of his Latin poems, the Religionis 
Funus et Hypocrites Finis (1647) and the more effective Johns 
Triumphans (1651). They have seen him selfishly absorbed ; 
they cannot here watch how he gradually assumes the role of 
•an intermediary, a member of no party and of all, a role in 
which undeniably he did his country service. His complex 
character is only half revealed ; the portrait stands upon its 
easel not as yet completed. 

The material for these further disclosures exists ; but the 
extent to which it can be used must depend upon the interest 
aroused by the unfinished sketch. 


In printing the Oxinden Letters modem punctuation has 
been adopted, the ordinary abbreviations extended, and a few 



obvious mistakes corrected. In other respects it is believed 
that they stand as they were written. 

The spelling of personal and of place names follows as 
closely as possible contemporary use : thus Henry Oxinden 
and his family spelt their surname in signatures with an i ; in 
later times it was written Oxenden. Again, the signature of 
Elizabeth Dallison has invariably two IV s ; to-day the second 
l is dropped and “ Dalison ” is the family name. “ Dene ” 
Manor is no doubt etymologically the correct form ; but the 
Oxindens of this correspondence, who lived there, almost in- 
variably wrote from 4 4 Deane ” Manor. The name of 
Waldersheare (or sometimes Waldersheire) Wood on the 
edge of Broome Park, is printed Walder chain on the Ordnance 
map ; this is apparently a modem innovation. 

The reader may find it helpful to remember the letter- 
writers ’ habit of using 44 than ” where we should employ 
44 then ” and vice versa ; 44 one ” is frequently used for 44 on,” 
as well as for “ own,” and 44 on ” for 44 one ” ; 44 where ” 
and 44 were ” often change places. 

Henry Oxinden ’s handwriting in his rough-draft letters 
presents great difficulties ; every effort has been made to 
give correct readings. His 44 full dress ” script is, on the 
contrary, exceedingly clear ; he employs a printing character 
which much resembles the writing of Robert Hegge, his old 
tutor at Corpus. James Holt uses the same kind of script ; 
it was apparently in vogue at the college in the sixteen 
twenties and thirties. 

It is believed that the orthography of the letters will as a 
rule offer no stumbling-block to the modem reader who 
wishes to read them currently, without annoyance from 
spelling vagaries. With some hesitation the letters of Mrs. 
Richard Oxinden and Mrs. Proud have been printed as writ ; 
to modernize them would be to destroy much of their amus- 
ing character, and they are so few in number that the reader 
unwilling to wrestle with certain riddles in phonetic spelling 
may easily pass them over. 


PART L 1607-1629 


The Letter-writers (in italic) and their circle here introduced : 

In Kent 

The Oxindens 

Sir Henry Oxinden, Kt. ( c . 1549-1620), Lord of the Manor of 
Deane (Dene) in Wingham, Kent, m. first Elizabeth 
Brooker, daughter and heiress of James Brooker of Maydekin, 
Barham, (d. 1588) ; second Mary Theobald (“ My Lady 
Mother ” of Letter I). His sons by his first marriage : 
James Oxinden , (1586-1657), admitted Middle Temple June 
30th, 1604 ; knighted at Whitehall, Nov. 17th, 1608 ; mar- 
ried Sept. 27th, 1605, to 

Margaret (Lady Oxinden), sister of Sir Roger Nevinson of Eastry. 
Richard Oxinden , (1588-1629), admitted Middle Temple Jan. 

24th, 1606 ; married Jan. nth, 1607, to 
Katherine , sixth daughter of Sir Adam Sprakeling (see below). 

The grandsons of Sir Henry Oxinden : 

Henry , eldest son of Richard Oxinden, b. Canterbury, Jan. 18th, 
1608 ; educ. Corpus Christi College, Oxford ; admitted 
Gray’s Inn June 7th, 1632. 

James , second son of Richard Oxinden, bap. Aug. 16th, 1612 ; 

educ. St. John’s College, Cambridge. 

Richard , third son of Richard Oxinden, bap. Dec. 12th, 1613 ; 
apprenticed to Mr. Newman of Fish Street, London, cloth- 

The Sprakelings 

Lady* Sprakeling (d. May 1627), Katherine Eastday or Esday, 
widow of Sir Adam Sprakeling, Kt., of St. Paul’s, Canter- 
bury, and Ellington, Isle of Thanet, who died 1610. 




Of their seven sons and ten daughters the following appear here 

with their spouses : 

Judith, eldest da., (1580-1633), m. John Johnson of Nethercourt, 
Isle of Thanet. 

Mary , fourth da., (b. 1583), m. Lieut.-Col. William Proud or 

Katherine , sixth twin da., (1587-1642), m. Richard Oxinden. 

Margery, seventh da., (b. 1587), m. Francis Tilghman of Snodland 
and Sarre. 

Frances, eighth da., (b. 1590), m. Francis Saunders of Monkton, 
Isle of Thanet. 

Hanna, tenth da., (1599-1641), m. Henry Pettit. 

The Pettits 

Valentine Pettit , (d. 1626), of Daundelion, Isle of Thanet ; son of 
Henry Pettit ; m. first, Mary Cleve, second, Martha 
Henneker, widow. Children by his first marriage : 

Henry, m. 1622 Hanna Sprakeling, d. Feb. 13, 1624-5, buried in 
Denton Church. 

Valentine , (b. 1596), m. Elizabeth, da. of Clement Morse, Comp- 
troller of the Chamber of London ; a London cloth worker. 

Paul, a lawyer in Canterbury. 

Cleve, (b. 1599), a soldier. 

Elias, (b. 1602), pensioner, of Emmanuel College, Cambridge 
1619 ; M.A. 1626. 

Elizabeth, m. William Parker. 

The grandchildren of the elder Valentine : 

Henry, son of Henry and Hanna Pettit (b. posthumously, Sept. 
1625, d. 1662), known as “ Captain Pettit of Daundelion.” 

Martha (Matt) Henneker, grand-daughter of Mrs. Valentine* 
Pettit by her first marriage. 

Some Kentish gentlemen : Sir Richard Hardres of Hardres Court ; 
Sir Thomas Palmer of Wingham ; Vincent Denne of Denne- 
hill and later of Great Wenderton ; Robert Bargrave of 
Bifrons ; Dr, Jacob Vanderslaert of Sandwich, a Huguenot 

At Oxford 

Robert Hegge . Fellow and Tutor, C.C.C. 

James Holt . Fellow, C.C.C. 

From the Middle Temple 

Charles Tripp of New Inn. 




i. Public Affairs. 1607-1629 

The historic interest of this first group of Letters (I-XXXII) 
centres in Dr. Balcanquall’s letter to Sir James Oxinden (Letter V). 
It gives a contemporary account of that crucial moment in the 
Thirty Years’ War which opened the brief and tragic sovereignty 
of the Winter King of Bohemia and his queen, Elizabeth, daughter 
of James I. 1 In June 1619 Christopher von Dohna arrived in 
England on a mission from the Union of Protestant Princes to 
secure a promise of support from James I, as well as his consent 
to the acceptance by his son-in-law, Frederick V, the Elector 
Palatine, of the crown of Bohemia. 

Dohna remained at the English Court (where Balcanquall was 
apparently in attendance) until September 26th, 1619, when he 
left Theobalds with no more conclusive reply than James’s refusal 
to decide on his own policy until he was assured of the justice of 
Frederick’s cause. His departure was followed immediately by 
the despatch of John Digby, first Earl of Bristol (“ My Lord 
Dichbie ”) on an errand of characteristic caution to Spain ; for 
while James would give no decided encouragement to Frederick, 
he protested to Ferdinand his right to assent to his son-in-law’s 
election. However, on September 28th, Frederick accepted the 
sovereignty of Bohemia ; on November 4th he was crowned at 
Prague. His pending departure from the Palatinate seemed to 
offer a loophole for attack. Balcanquall says that the towns of 
Brabant were in mutiny against the imposition of fresh levies for 
this projected expedition, and that Frederick’s brother, Frederick 
Henry of Nassau, Prince of Orange (Count Henry), was prepar- 
ing a stubborn resistance. 

Meanwhile, in August 1619, that strange personage, Bethlen 
Gabor, Prince of Transylvania, set on foot an expedition in aid of 
the Bohemians, and when Balcanquall wrote on September 27th, 
the news of his capture of Upper Hungary had already reached 
England. The Archduke Leopold hastily summoned the Bra- 
ban$on Count de Bucquoy back from Bohemia to defend the 
Austrian Duchies, At the moment the auguries seemed favour- 
able to the new king. On the other hand the Venice Seigniory 
had decided against his maintenance at Prague and was allowing 
Spanish troops to pass through Venetian territory. 

1 Cf. Camb. Modern Hist. y vol. iv. (Thirty Years* War), pp. 28-34, etc. 



The affairs of the Princess Elizabeth were of special interest to 
Sir James Oxinden because of the close association with her for- 
tunes of his near neighbour, Sir Francis Nethersole of Wymlings- 
wold (Wymynswold). In 1619 Nethersole became Secretary to 
James Hay, Viscount Doncaster (“ my Lord of Doncaster ”) 
during his mission to Austria, simultaneous with that of Baron von 

Only a few days before the date of Balcanquall’s letter, on 
Sept. 19th, 1619, Nethersole had been knighted at Theobalds. 
At the same time he was appointed agent to the Princes of the 
Protestant Union and Secretary to the Electress Palatine. Bal- 
canquall adds to his budget some scraps of home news. As he 
surmises, the Trial of Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk, late Lord 
Treasurer, in the Star Chamber for extortion, bribery and em- 
bezzlement of crown jewels, ended (Nov. 1619) in ten days* 
imprisonment in the Tower both for himself and his Countess, as 
well as a fine of £30,000 and the restoration of their ill-gotten 

From time to time other fragments of news from the various 
seats of war reach the Kentish families in letters of their more 
travelled sons. Elias Pettit (Letter XI) writes from Cambridge 
of a scarce book he has seen, both in MS. and printed copies, on 
the subject of “ the Massacre at Amboyna ” in 1624, when eigh- 
teen Englishmen were arrested and tortured, and twelve of them 
executed by the Dutch governor, Van Speult, for a supposed con- 
spiracy to surprise the fort. Another of the young Pettits, Cleeve, 
was besieged in Breda, which was captured by the Spaniards under 
Spinola, June 1625. 

Thomas Coppin, the traveller, made use of “ a man of warre ” 
going with the Lord Vere, to cross over to Holland in July 1627, 
(Letter XXIV). Sir Horace Vere, Baron Vere of Tilbury, 
crossed in the first instance in the summer of 1620, with 2000* 
volunteers permitted by King James to go to the assistance of the 
Elector Palatine, and he remained in Holland until his death in 
action in 1629- When he shared his ship with Thomas Coppin it 
must have been on some occasion of his taking leave to England. 
During Thomas’s stay at Leyden, in November 1627, occurred the 
disaster to Buckingham’s troops which in the previous summer he 
had landed on the island of Re off La Rochelle. The English 
were compelled to re-embark, their numbers reduced by r half 
(Letter XXVI). Peace between England and France (Letter 
XXXII) was concluded April 24th, 1629. 



In Part II Thomas Coppin’s Letters (XXXVII and XLII) 
deal with the descent of Colalto through the Grisons upon the 
Italian plain during the War of the Mantuan Succession. “ Terror, 
rapine and plague followed in their train for the inhabitants of 
the Valtelline. ,, 1 

2. Domestic Affairs 

Henry Oxinden preserved among his correspondence a few 
letters belonging to the generation of kinsfolk immediately before 
his own. They form an introduction to his youthful period, his 
college days at Corpus Christi, Oxford, his studies under Robert 
Hegge and friendship with James Holt ; contrasted with these are 
the travel letters of his cousin, Thomas Coppin, and the descrip- 
tions of the life of a London apprentice led by his brother Richard. 



[MS. 27,999, f. II] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I kindly recommend my love unto you. I cannot be 
so unthankfull as to leave you unsaluted in thes few lines, you 
havinge given mee the first occasione by your kinde letter ; 
with the acknowledgment of youre harty affectione and tender 
of youre imployment, which I shalbe redy in as large and 
ample manner to requite as it is by you frely offred, even with 
my best indeavoures in any youre occasiones ; with your 
desire of this muteall entterchange of oure letteres, as the 
increase of oure never changable loves, the only meanes 
absence affordes to well affected mindes to shew there loving 

Pray remember my humble dutie to my Father and my 
harty commendaciones unto my Lady Mother, my Sister 
youre wife and all oure other lovinge frendes at home, with 
those at Canterbury when you see them. So I bid you 
hartily farewell. 

Your loving brother 

Richard Oxinden 

1 Camb. Mod. Hist., vol. iv. p. 60. 



Middle Temple, Londone, this 7 May, 1607 

[Noted on the back in Henry Oxinden’s hand : “ This letter was 
written by Mr. Richard Oxinden, father of Hen: Oxinden of 



[MS. 27,999, f. 13] 

Brother Richard, 

Though I have smale time at this present to write, yet out 
of my love I could not but give you notice of a dutie you have 
neglected, that is to write to my father. I have herd him 
often speake of you and marvell much that paper and inke 
should in London be so scarse as in this time not to afford 
him one sheete ; faile him not the next weeke though you 
followe it. I dare say it will be very welcome ; t’is a token 
of great love in a father to be desierous to here from his child. 
Thus hopinge you will not let slip opportunitie I rest 

Thy loving brother 

James Oxinden 

From Wingham 
this 11 of May 1607 



[MS. 27,999, f - I2 ] 

Lovinge Brother, 

Youre frendly advice, least you might hereafter desist 
from thes kinde corses, cannot let mee leave you unrequited 
and go unthanked in this my letter, the only meanes that at 
this time stirrs up my dull spirites, not used to many letteres, 
especially in one day, which, least now I might offend, I have 
undertaken, in which I will use brevitie rather than prove 
unmanarilly not to write at all. Were my inventione'soe 
ripe and apt as youres, or at least so plentiful as my inkp and 
paper, I wold be more forward, and afforde volumes in stedd 


From a portrait by Marc Ghaeraedts, in the possession of Pawsey & Payne 
Photographer, Donald Macbeth. 


of letteres, but I have other studies where in I now intend to 
spend my spirites, and so have iust excuse to spare my writ- 
inge till thats finished ; so commendinge myselfe to youre 
wife my sister I bid you hartely fare well. 

Your everloving brother, 

Richard Oxinden 

Middle Temple London this 14 of May 1607 



[MS. 27,999, f. 14] 

[Charles Tripp of New Inn, admitted March 26th, 1603, and in 
1618 “ A Master of the Utter Bar ”, was a neighbour of Richard 
Oxinden’s in Wingham ; his father, John Tripp, and subse- 
quently he himself, lived at Trapham, now a gabled brick farm- 
house on the left-hand side of the Canterbury road, about half a 
mile west of the village. Being slightly senior at the Bar to 
Richard Oxinden and his brother James, he stood surety for each 
of them in turn on their admission to the Middle Temple. In 
1608 he was in chambers with Francis Pollard. He married first 
Rose Harfleet, daughter of Sir Christopher Harfleet of Ash, and, 
at her death, Katherine Bell, the mother of his three sons, Charles, 
John and Christopher. His monument may be seen in the south 
chapel of Wingham Church near those of his friends the Oxindens; 
it bears the epitaph : 

“ Charles Tripp, councillor-at-law, justice of the peace in the 
county of Kent, died at his house at Trapham in the parish of 
Wingham, Jan. 12th, 1624.” 

The “ holy bread land ” referred to in his letter was land 
charged, in pre-Reformation times, with the payment of “ holy 
bread silver ”, probably to the College of Priests at Wingham.] 

Mr. Richard Oxinden, 

I hartely salute you. Uppon the receipt of your letter 
with as much haste as with convenience I might I bought 
your glasses according to your directions and have sent them 
downe in a basket packed upp, by White, the Cant, post, with 
what charge I cold for theyr safe Cariage ; your 6 dozen of 
glasse plates and 6 bowles cost me 33s. with the baskett, allso 



your hampers you shall receive by the post of Sandwich 
accordinge to your letter, being about the price you writt to 
me of. I have taken what care my buisines and leasure will 
afoord in theis thinges ; I wish they may be to your content- 
ment, soe pray lett my good entention excuse me from blame 
though my acctions deserve them. 

I have allso payd your rent to the receivers for your holy 
bread land, and for the same have sent you an acquittance, so 
as I hope you and your tenant wilbe for your tyme at quiett 
for that land. For your sute against Tibold I will make all 
the speed I can therein. His day to appeare here is one 
Saterday next, at what tyme we shall knowe whether he en- 
tends to stand out with you or noe. Sir I ame in some hast, 
therefore ame enforced to be short, with my best wishes and 
kind commendations I give you a harty farewell. 

Your loving frend 

Cha: Tripp 

Middle Temple London , this qth Novemh: 1608 



[MS. 27,999, f. 16] 

[The writer of Letter V, Walter Balcanquall (1586?— 1645) was 
educated at Edinburgh University and Pembroke College, Oxford 
(Fellow, Sept. 1611). He became Chaplain to James I and 
Master of the Savoy. James sent him to the Synod of Dort as 
representative of Scotland, although “ no friend to his national 
church ”. There he was associated with John Hales, and when 
Hales left Dordrecht, during the spring of 1619, Balcanquall re- 
ported proceedings to Sir Dudley Carleton, Ambassador at the 
Hague ; many of his letters are published in Hales's Golden 
Remains . He cannot long have returned from Holland when he 
wrote to Sir James Oxinden so fully about current events. How 
their friendship originated we do not know, but later in his career 
Balcanquall had ties with the neighbourhood. On Sept. 21st, 
1624, he married at Bishopsbourne (formerly Hooker’s Church) 
Elizabeth, widow of Sir William Hammond of St. Albans Court, 
and a daughter of Sir Anthony Aucher of Bourne Park, a near 


1619] THE elder generation 

neighbour of the Oxindens. In 1624 he became Dean of 
Rochester, and from 1632-39 held with his other preferments the 
Rectory of Kingston, a parish lying in the Lesser Stour valley 
between Barham and Bishopsbourne. This he resigned on 
accepting the Deanery of Durham. Balcanquall was an 
ambitious, pushing man, but of tried loyalty to the Royalist 
cause. He died at Chirk Castle just after Naseby field, 1 ] 


I can not obtain leave of my selfe to be so unmanerlie 
as not to remember yowr great courtesies, which since my 
fortune doth not give me leave to requyte, I must take leave 
to acknowledge. Nor can these fewe lynes express that 
which is within, 

parva loquuntur grates ingentes stupentes. 

The newes concerning Bohemia which yow may tryst to 
are these : at Tibolls Baron Dona, the Palsgrave his Ambas- 
sador, had his dispatch, the summe whereof was thus. The 
King receaved from him the iust and trewe reasons which 
mooved the Estates of Bohemia to expell Ferdinando and 
choose the Palatin. Under the Estates of Bohemia theire 
owne hands these reasons mooved the King no litle, who be- 
fore that tyme did not seem much to applawde the proceed- 
ings of the Bohemians. 

Hereupon the King hath sent poast to Spain one of My 
Lord Dichbie his men with these reasons which were de- 
livered by Baron Dona, and desyreth to knowe of the King of 
Spain why he himselfe may not as lawfully assist his sone law- 
fully elected as he doeth his cosin lawfully expelled, and in 
mean tyme hath returned Baron Dona home, with a request 
unto his sone that til he can hear again from Spain the whole 
busines may be continewed with as much peace as may be ; 
so as yet the business standeth thus for the King his part : 
but it is most certein that the Palsgrave, by the advyse of al 
the princes of the Union except the King, is gone to accept 
the ctowne therof ; here it is not permitted to any preacher to 
pray for him by the name of the King of Bohemia. Their 

1 For a summary of the historical events in this letter see p. 3. 



hath been in Bruxells, Antuerpe, Mechlin and other towns of 
Brabant great mutinies becawse of newe impositions layed upon 
them by the Arch Duke for the levying of these newe forces 
which are marched up to assist Ferdinando ; it is thought 
they mea [MS. torn] to spoyle the Palsgrave his cowntrey 
while he himselfe is nowe gone for Bohemia, but the Estates 
verie bra [MS. torn] have sent foorth ane sequal power both 
of horse and foote under the conduct of Count Henry, the 
Prince of 0 [MS. torn] his brother, who marcheth on this 
syde of the Rhine [MS. torn] against them ; foot for foot to 
see that they doo n [MS. torn]. At this tyme the Bohemians 
have Count de Buckoy, 1 the General of Ferdinando his armie, 
in a great straight, so as it is thowghtthat the seidge can hardly 
be releived. The Palatine his syde commeth to be verie 
strong by the lyke accident which hath fallen in Hungarie, for 
the States their have expelled their king too, and elected into 
his place the Prince of Transilvania, a verie valiant prince, 
who hath entred in league with the Palsgrave against the 
house of Austria as their common enemie. So that the King 
of Spain had almost no way left him for sending of forces to 
the assisting of his cosen, but that the Venetians at this tyme, 
to the great discontent of the Princes of the Union, have con- 
cluded a peace with Spain, so that nowe through their terri- 
tories, (which before this peace they hindered), the King of 
Spain may send forces from Millan and uther places of 

The Court newes heir we none, but that the King afresch 
again is verie much offended with the officers of his howse, 
and hath granted owt a commission for the reforming of their 
abuses. Mr. Nethersole, yowr countryman, late Secretarie 
to my L. of Doncaster, is knighted Sir Francis and made 
Secretarie to the Lady Elizabeth and agent for his Ma tie with 
the Princes of the Union. My L. of Suffolk his tryal holdeth 
in the Starre Chamber at the beginning of the terme ; I 
am much affrayed that the Tower will be a pairt Of his 

1 Bucquoy. 



This is al, but that, as one addition to your former 
curtesies, I must intreat you to remember my best service 
to all of your worthie familie, as it is in the psalme to al of 
them, young men and maids, old men and babes. I hope 
by this tyme Marie and Martha have both of them chosen 
the better pairt ; if they have not done so, that they may 
doo so tel them that it is not only a pairt of my wisches but 
of my prayers too ; if yowr woorthie father, mother and 
Ladie be wel I accownt it a great pairt of my happiness, 
for it is a great pairt of my temporal ambition to perswade 
yow al to beleeve that their liveth no man over whom 
yow have more power then over 

Yowr most affectionat freind 
and servant 

Hampton Cowrt this Walter Balcanquall 

27 of September [1619] iust 
as I am going for cambarige 



[MS. 27,999, f * I §] 

[The name of Sir Richard Hardres (a son of Sir Thomas Hardres 
of Hardres Court and Eleanor, daughter of Henry Thoresby, 
Master in Chancery) is outstanding in the history of the Great 
Rebellion in Kent ; in 1643 it appears in the list of the Committee 
of Kent, although Sir Richard afterwards “ stood for the King ” 
and besieged Dover Castle at the head of 2000 Royalists. 

For seven centuries there were Hardres at Hardres Court. To 
one of Sir Richard’s ancestors, Sir Thomas Hardres, King Henry 
VIII gave his dagger, the handle encrusted with jasper ; he gave 
also the gates of Boulogne, taken when that town was captured in 
1544, and they stood at Hardres Court, built into a wall at the 
garden entrance, until broken up in the nineteenth century for the 
weight of iron nails and studs. Now the family has come to an 
end, and the last Hardres sleeps with the first in the old church on 
the hig*h downs close to their home. 

Sir Richard Hardres married Ann, daughter of Sir Peter God- 
frey, who also figures in these pages.] 


Honored Cosin, 

I am much indebted to you for lettinge your man 
bringe ouer the hawke unto mee, whome we got to call her 
loose but were like not to see her againe that night, for the 
hawke is not in case to flie, nether will shee be in his keepinge, 
wherefore if it please you to leave her with mee fowre or five 
days my man shall make her comming, and then I will give 
you as much money for her as any man, soe with my service 
remembred unto yourselfe and your vertuous mother I rest 
Your assured lovinge kinsman 
to command 

Hordes Court Ri: Hardres. 

October 3. 1622 



[MS. 27,999, f * 2 °] 

[Sandwich was at this time the home of numerous Huguenot re- 
fugee families, of French or Flemish origin. Some of the Vander- 
slaerts appear, at a later date, to have migrated to Canterbury, for 
the baptism of “ Jean, fils de Mr. Jean Vander Slaert mede- 
cin ”, on November 14th, 1630, occurs in the Register of the 
Strangers’ Church in the Cathedral Crypt, while “ Abigail vefue 
(sic) de feu Jean Jacob Vander Slaet (sic) ” stood sponsor for Jean 
Oger on November 16th, 1634.] 

Sandwici-Laus Deo - 10 Decembris 
An 0 Salutis 1622 


With my hartye salutations unto your Ladyeshyp. 
These are to let you understaund that I have receyved your 
water, Ioked there upon, and shewed your greefes at large 
unto the bearer hereof and doe sende you to ease the same, 
with God his favourable blessing, a good and confortable 
drincke, which you shall take at 3 or 4 tymes evening and 
morning warme. Also I sende you 5 or 6 ownces of verie 
good syrups of our owne making, of maydenheare and colts- 



foote, of which you shall use as often as you please ; they are 
verie effectuall and cordiall and pectorall. I sende you also 
hot and code baume water, bothe verie good. So com- 
mending your Ladyeshyp unto God's happye and safe tuition, 
with harty salutations unto your loving sonne and daughter 
Mr. Oxinden, as also unto your kinde sonne and daughter 
Mr. Petyt, I cease and rest your assured freinde 

Jacob Vanderslaert 



[MS. 27,999, f - 2I 1 

Matt Henneker beeing unable and unfitt to serve your 
tourne, and my wife beeing unwillinge that shee should com 
home, eyther hither or to her fathers, (allthough wishing that 
shee had beene fitt for your service, and that shee might have 
continued with you for some yeares), hath provided for her 
with M ns Eppes, who haveing now but one mayede and ser- 
vant, and desireth to have her as soone as possible may bee, 
to the end that shee should not lose that service and be un- 
provided, purposeth to sende for her abowte Satterdaye next, 
or Mondaye at the furthest ; and beecause shee would not 
have my daughter your wife to bee destitute of one to serve 
her tourne, shee purposeth to send Matt Samsonn to bee in 
her steade, for 3 weekes or a month, if your other mayde com 
not in the meane time, which I thought fitt heereby to geive 
you notice of, least if you had no knowledge heereof, it might 
bee thought to bee over sodden — Thus praying god to bless 
you and all yours, and to remember mee and my wife to my 
Ladye, your Brother and Sister Oxenden, your wife and the 
rest of our freindes, I commende you to God. 

Your loving father 

Val: Pettit 

Daundelion the 26 th of Aprill 1624 





[MS. 27,999, f - 22] 

To his loveing Some, M r Henry Pettit, at Denton, geve theise 
zoi th speede. 


I thanke you for your Care and paines abowt enquire- 
ing and provideing Sheepe for mee, I pray you continue your 
purpose intended and see the butcher’s Sheepe one Tues- 
daye next, and if you and your freinde do like of them and 
the Peniworth, then I pray you buy them for mee, and the 
money shall bee readye and bee paid for them when and 
wheare you shall appoint, and spare your Journey if I may 
be assured how to do it. I wish it might bee at Sandwich 
for the more ease, if hee like so of it. 

My daughter Henneker and her husband are now heere 
and I thinke will sende for their Daughter tomorrow and so 
my wife will sende to Goodenston for her, being somwhat 
neere us then Denton, and the rather beecause there is no 
neede of sendeing anie other to you from hence to bee in her 
stead, as it seemeth. So with my harty salutations remem- 
bred and my wives to your sellfe, your wife and the rest of our 
freindes, I commende you to God and rest 

Your loveing father 

„ _ . Val: Pettit 

Daundehon this last 

of Aprill 1624 

[MS. 27,999, f- 24] 

[1. Henry Oxinden at Oxford 

Henry Oxinden’s name appears in the Matriculation Register 
of Corpus Christi College for 1626 (Hen. Oxenden arm. f.) * but 

1 Fowler, Hist, of C.C.C., 1893, p. 453. 


1624] THE ELDER generation 

in none of the official College Books nor in Fulman’s Lists. This 
may be accounted for by his having left college suddenly on his 
father’s early death. His friend James Holt (Letter XXIX) writes 
anxious enquiries about his expected return. 

Henry’s Diary contains a few short passages which bear upon 
his Oxford career. 1 

44 June 1624. — My father and Mr. Edward Aldy went with mee 
to Oxford, returned, I mean they returned, June 19.” 

44 March 1, 1626. — My Father sent me 20 11 when I proceeded 
Batchelor of Arts.” 

“ I tooke the degree of Batchelor of Arts Ap. 1st, 1627.” 

44 July 2, 1627. — Fell sick at Oxford of a pestilential feaver.” 

Two Latin orations, one beginning 44 Non a me Ciceronis 
Eloquentia expectanda est (auditores) ”, delivered at Corpus in 
1625 and 1626, together with some verses on the death of King 
James I, also written at Oxford, are preserved among Henry 
Oxinden’s papers. 2 

Edward Aldy or Aldey, at this time and for forty-nine years 
Minister of St. Andrew’s Church, Canterbury, was appointed 
Canon of the Eleventh Prebend of the Cathedral in succession to 
John Gerard Vossius. Aldy was buried in St. Andrew’s ; the 
church is now demolished but his monument may still be seen in 
the porch of the later adjacent building. There are letters of his 
among the Oxinden MSS. ; he was evidently an intimate friend 
of the family and possibly, from his accompanying Henry to 
Oxford, may have been his tutor.] 

[2. Robert Hegge 

Fowler’s History of Corpus Christi College tells us that Henry 
Oxinden’s tutor, Robert Hegge, was 44 admitted 1614, * a prodigy 
of his time for forward and good natural parts ’ according to 
Wood, died when only thirty and was buried in the College 
Chapel, leaving behind him several MS. works, which included 
the * Legend of St. Cuthbert with the Antiquities of the Church 
of Durham ’, a 4 Treatise of Dials and Dialling ’ still in the College 
Library, . . . and the MS. 4 Catalogus ’ of Fellows and Scholars of 
C.C.C.” (p. 183). Hegge’s Catalogue was kept up for 300 years 
and has only recently been replaced by a new volume because the 
old one was full. In a memoir prefixed to the 1816 edition of 
St. Cuthbert by the editor, John Brough Taylor, Robert is said to 
have Been the son of Stephen Hegge, Notary-Public in Durham, 
(whose death, referred to in Letter XXIX, drew him back to the 

1 Genealogist , vol. xxxi. p. 132. 2 Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 28,009, f. 71. 



North), and of Anne, daughter to Dr. Robert Swyft, a native of 
Rotheram in Yorkshire, Prebendary of the First Stall in Durham 
Cathedral, forty years Rector of Sedgefield, and Chancellor of 
the Diocese. 

Robert Hegge owed his education, at least in part, to his 
widowed grandmother, Mrs. Anne Swyft of the South Bailey ; 
she bequeathed twenty pounds a year “ for the better maintenance 
of her grandson, during his courses through the Schools ” ; he 
entered Corpus at the age of fifteen. Mrs. Swyft was a daughter 
of Thomas Leaver, “ a noted preacher and Master of Sherburn ”, 
which fact may account for Hegge’s address at Sherburn Castle 
during his vacation in November 1625. She left among her 
valuables “ one figure of Sent Cudbert with jewels and ivory ” ; 
this precious image may have suggested to her grandson the sub- 
ject of his book : his pleasure in Mrs. Oxinden’s present of an 
embroidered bible shows that he too possessed artistic tastes. 
The President of Corpus Christi College at this time (1614-1629) 
was Dr. Thomas Anyan, a native of Sandwich, (we hear of his 
journeying into Kent). Complaint was made against him to the 
House of Commons for “ misdemeanours in the government of 
the college and other enormous offences, unworthy of his calling.” 
This was, however, subsequent to Henry Oxinden’s Oxford days. 
Dr. Anyan became Rector of Cranley and a Canon of Canterbury, 
in the twelfth Prebend ; he was buried in the Cathedral, Jan. 17th, 
1632/3 (Letter XXXIII).] 

Worthie Sir, 

If I should not by that short acquaintance with you in 
Oxford conceive the whole current of your generous disposi- 
tion, I should be as injurious to your worth as a profess’d 
Mathematition to his Art, that (with Pythagoras) could not, 
by the print of Hercules his foot in the sand, proportion in 
symmetric his whole bodie. But I have more then a foot- 
step to ground upon ; I have with me the Map and Epi- 
tomie of yourself, your hopefull sonne who (I doubt not but) 
will be as well heir to your vertues as possessions : whose 
civil and studious disposition is not for me to commend : 
tutors in prayse of their scholars being least to be beleived of 
all others. But I hope, as you left him with me ingenuous 
and vertuously disposed, to restore him not infected with the 


1624] THE ELDER generation 

predominant vices of the time, but pure, uncorrupted and 
qualified with those sciences which best are suitable for a 
gentleman. I received your token by this bearer, for which, 
till the Philosopher’s stone be found out, we scholars can 
only repay our friends with thanks and good wishes. 

I had commended my service long er this in writing to 
you if Mr. Anyan had not been addressing himself for his 
Kentish iorney this moneth and yet is not gon. I pray re- 
member my kinde love to Mr. Aldy and (if I may be so bolde 
as unknowne) my love and service to your wife, for I am sure 
I have her iewel and the Loadstone of her thoughts which I 
hope will draw you and her now and then to Oxford. Thus 
in hast I rest 

Yours to his power 

Robert Hegge 

From CXC in Oxon 
Sept . 5 th. 1624 



[MS. 27, 299, f. 26] 

[Elias Pettit was a Pensioner of Emmanuel College, Easter 1619, 
B.A. 1622 and M.A. 1626. 1 The book to which he refers was 
evidently : A True Relation / of the late Unjust , Cruel and Bar- 
barous I Proceedings against the English / at Amboyna in the East 
Indies / by the Netherlanders there / Upon a forged Pretence of a 
Conspiracy of the said English . This was first published in 1624 
and was followed by a series of pamphlets, Dutch and English, 
discussing the supposed conspiracy. 2 ] 

Cambridge Novemb. 1. 1624 


If unity and similitude of affection be the ground of 
frendship, then must it needs be true of that betweene 
Brothers, which adds a second string to the bowe and maks 

1 Venn, Matriculations and Degrees , 1544-1659, p. 526. 

2 C/. Camb., Mod, Hist., vol. iv. p. 941. 

B 17 


a double indissoluble knott. I have lately heard of your 
wellfare and can doe noe lesse then congratulate the same 
unto you, now especially after soe long an intermission. Be- 
sides I have received from you by Sir Busher 2s. 6d. as a 
token of your love, for which together with the rest from 
tyme to tyme continued, I give you many thanks. My 
sister, as I heard by our brother Parker’s letter, hath of late 
not beene well, I should be glad to hear of her recovery and 
soundnes of health. I heare likewise that our father hath 
heard of Cleevs being among the beseeged in Bredas. I be- 
seech the Almighty to preserve him these perilous tymes and 
to use him as an instrument in his owne cause against the 
furie of his and oure enemies. I have lately seene the booke 
of the cruell proceedings of the Hollanders against the 
English in the East Indies, which indeed was most barbarous. 1 
It may be you have seene the booke likewise, but it is as yet 
very scarce to be come by, notwithstanding I have seene it 
both written and printed, but I suppose it will scarce be 
published or at least not in hast, for I suppose it will breed a 
generall distast if not enmity betweene us and them. Thus 
with my love and best wishes to yourselfe with my kinde 
sister, as likewise to your Brother Oxenden, I rest 
Your assured loving Brother 

Elias Pettit 



[MS. 27,999, f. 231] 

[The writer of Letter XII, John Johnson of Nethercourt, Isle of 
Thanet, was Richard Oxinden’s brother-in-law, and married to 
Judith, eldest da. of Sir Adam Sprakeling. “ My Lady ”, evi- 
dently Lady Sprakeling, recovered, and survived till May 1627.] 

Brother Oxinden, 

We are hartely glad of your health and are h&rtelye 
sorrye to heare of my Ladyes sicknes, prayinge to God to 
1 For historical note see p. 4. 


1624] THE elder generation 

restore her to her former health. Thinke it noe want of 
good will I come not over unto you, for I assure you noe 
frend whatsoever would I come unto rather then yourself. 
Our haukes are nought and our horses wourse and unlesse 
theye mende I shall fall to my ould sporte of pouchinge 
agayne. We hartely thanke you for your rabitts and are 
sorrye we have nothing worthye to send you. My wife re- 
membereth her duetye unto her mother and her love unto 
my sister and yourselfe and my brother Pettit and sister, and 
prayeth you to excuse her in regard of her nurserye that she 
cannot come. I feare fish will hardlye be had, because, as I 
here, a Londoner hath bought what might be gotten, not- 
withstandinge I have stayed your monye till Satterdaye, 
which if I can bestowe I will ; if not I will send it you agayne. 
We have hares good store. Hopinge to see you here at your 
best leasure with my brother Pettit, 

Your ever lovinge brother 

John Johnson 



[MS. 27,999, f - 2§ ] 

[Ellyn Kinton was probably the widow of John Kinton or King- 
ton, Vicar of St. Dunstan’s, Canterbury, 1606-13.] 

My very good Lady, 

I am very sorry to heare of the heavynes of the good 
gentlewoman Mrs. Petit your Daughter for the losse of her 
husband. I see that God taketh away dayly of my good 
freinds and I am left to live in [MS. torn] and great neede, as 
I purpose by word of mouth more fully shortly to signifie 
unto your good Ladyship. In the meane time I crave leave 
to renew myne old suite about my ten pounds that I [left] in 
your Ladyship’s hands, that I may be at some certaintie 
where to call for it, or the profitt of it, yf God should call your 
Ladyship and good Master Oxenden away, for he indeed did 
promise before witnesses that he would see the profitt payd, 
but I see the young to goe as well as the old, which maketh 



me the more doubtfull, especially seeing I have nothing to 
shew for it, your Ladiship keeping the band 1 in your hands ; 
and as long as you live I make no doubt, but, being we are all 
mortall, your Ladiship will pardon me to be thus carefull, 
having such neede as I have and more may live to have. I 
dayly pray for the long life and prosperity of your Ladiship 
and of all yours, but if God should otherwise dispose that I 
should outlive, I am not to be blamed to seeke for some 
certaintie and securitie, living to this age and necessitie that 
I do. Your Ladiship knowes well, and the band doth signifie 
so much, that I parted with the money no otherwise then yf 
myself should live to have need of it, and I am come to 
have neede and great neede and more may live to have. 
Yet I do not desire to call home the money, but to let it rest 
as it doth, so I may be assured of the profitt of it dureing my 
life. Indeed my husband would have had it in, but I hin- 
dered him and am willing (as I have sayd) that it should rest 
as it doth, so that I might have somewhat to shew for it and 
some certaine place allotted where to call for the use. 2 In 
regard that your Ladiship keepes the band, my trust is to you 
that you will ever be mindefull of me and soe whether you 
live or dy that I be secured as I have desired and as is great 
conscience and reason that I should, especially having such 
and so great neede and necessitie as I am nowe driven unto 
and more may be. I shall not neede to use many wordes unto 
your Ladiship, who of yourself are pitifull enough for all in 
neede and especially ever very kinde and respective unto me, of 
the continuance of which your love and good remembraunce 
of me nothing doubting, with the remembraunce of myne 
humble service unto your good Ladiship, I do for this time 
take my leave, comitting you to the gratious protection of the 
Almightie, from St. Dunstans by Canterbury March 2. 1624 3 . 

Your Ladiships allwayes 

much bounden 

Ellyn KiNton 

1 Bond. 2 Interest. 

3 1625 N.s. The Letters are dated throughout in the Old Style, the 
year beginning on March 25th. 


1625] THE ELDER generation 


[MS. 27,999, f. 30] 

[Henry Pettit died February 13th, 1624-5, an< ^ buried in the 
aisle of Denton Church. A brass tablet, let into the gravestone of 
slate provided by his brother Valentine, records his burial, the 
“ sonn and heire of Valentine Pettit of Daundelion in the Isle of 
Thanett ”, as well as that of a son of his, Valentine, and a daughter, 
Katherine, who must have been older than the baby whose 
birth is recorded in Letter XV. There is also inserted in the 
stone a small brass shield, bearing the arms of both the Pettit 
and Sprakeling families. Not far away a similar brass and stone 
record the death of “ Hanna, one of the daughters of Sir Adam 
Sprakeling, Knight, wife to Henry Pettit.” She died January 1st, 
1641 (cf. Letter CCXIX).] 


With the remembraunce of my love I hartily salute 
you. I have nowe sent my Daughter Pettit a fewe smale 
Lopsteres taken yesterday, and my Desire was to have had 
more store of this mominges takeinge to have sent them alive, 
that they might have the longer beene kept good, but this 
northerly winde hath frustrated my expectation therein. My 
Desire is that these may bee accepted as a Signe of my Love, 
and so prayeing you to remember us to my Ladye, my Cozine 
your wife, my Daughter and the rest of our freinds, I com- 
mende you to God and rest, 

Your loveing kinsman 

Val: Pettit 

Daundelion this 25 th 
of Aprill 1625 

At my last beeing at Denton it was desired that I should 
write to my son Val: to provide and sende downe to Sand- 
wich a Grave Stone for his brother’s Grave, with an Inscrip- 
tion according to that then geiven mee in writeing, and that 
his CoSite Armes should bee likewise ingraven one the same, 
which directions I gave him at his goeing from hence. He 
asked mee if the Spracklinge Coat should be joyned therwith 



or not, which I could not then resolve him of, but promised 
to write to you to know your minde therein, which I thinke 
were needelesse, unlesse some mention were made in the 
Inscription of his match with one of that house and then a 
pictchere of the Spr aiding Armes wilbe needefull to bee 
sent upp to him. 

To his verie loveing cosin Mr. Richard Oxenden at his 
house neere Denton geve these. 

[A rough and much corrected draft in Richard Oxinden’s writing 
on the back of this letter says :] 

Cossen Pettit, 

I received your letter and my sister hath received 
the lobsters you sent her, for which shee gives you many 
thankes, and we both desire that you would excuse our 
bouldnes in troubleing you in such bussines. Our desire 
was when we sent [sentences erased] Since you write that 
you desire to know whether the Sprackling armes should be 
ioyned with your sonnes which my sister refereth both to 
you, like as also what inscription. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 32] 

[Henry Pettit, whose birth is referred to in Letter XV, married 
first, Elizabeth Best, second, Anne Finch of Coptree, and left many 
sons and daughters. He died, still & young man, in 1662, and 
that his grandfather’s prayer for him was fulfilled, may be judged 
from his delightful epitaph, on a mural monument in the north 
aisle of St. John Baptist Church, Margate : 

“ He was just and devout, and of so knowen integrity as to have 
the title of Honest commonly given him, which made him to live 
beloved and honoured and to die lamented. 

“ The righteous shall be had in everlasting remembrance.” x ] 

Cosin Oxenden, 

With the rememberance of my Love I hartely* salute 
you and the rest of our freindes with you. God bee thanked 
1 Lewis, Hist . of Tenet (1723), App. p. 83. 


1625] THE ELDER generation 

for my daughter’s safe and God blesse that 
Little one and make him his Servant, and God sende us 
and all other his freindes much Joy and Comfort of him. I 
purpose (God willing) to bee with you one Sonday next to 
perfourme my Daughter’s Desire. And so comendeing you 
to God I rest 

Your Loveing Freinde 

Val: Pettit 

Daundelion this 
yth of September 1625 



[MS. 27,999, f - 34] 


I received your token, which of it self, as such a 

booke, was the most rich and pretious Legacie that ever was 

+ + 

bequeathed to the Christian world ; the Testament of IHS ; 
but being so arrayd, in a vesture of golde and needleworke, 
seemes to challenge such reverence as to touch it without 
devotion were a sinne against the covering, as well as against 
the Booke. Such a Booke is able to make a young man as 
my selfe to tume a divine a yeare before his time, if it were 
but shew it over a Pulpit. I must needs say thus much of 
it, that it is the best commentarie that ever I saw, writ 
with a woman’s needle, upon the Text, It remains that 
I should studdy how to requite such a courtesie in your 
Sonne, of whom you may have great joy. If the time of 
this contagion, and the approaching winter for danger and 
myre, were not sufficient hindrances of travaill, he and my- 
self had made a viage into Kent, which now we will deferre 
till the Spring. If in the mean time you would see your 
Sonne by a description, he is growne very taull of stature but 
with^ll very slender. My occasions allowing me the time 
but of writing one letter, I choosed rather to make bold with 
your husband and to write it to you, but I need not to excuse 



it, for you two be one. Thus with my kinde love both to 
him and yourself I take my leave, resting 
Your ever loving 

friend to commande 

From Sherburne Castle Robert Hegge 

in Oxfordshire Novemb. 5 



[MS. 27,999, f. 35] 

[Francis Tilghman or Tilman, of Snodland and Sarre, another of 
Richard Oxinden’s brothers-in-law, married Margery (b. 1587), 
seventh (twin) daughter of Sir Adam Sprakeling. 44 My Sister 
Saunders” was Frances, (b. 1590), Sir Adam's eighth daughter, 
married to Francis Saunders of Monkton, the next village to 

Lovinge Brother Oxenden, 

I kindly comend my love to you, my sisters and my 
Lady and thanke you for your mindfulnesse of my wife for a 
midwife ; the tyme drawes nye at hand, and ther for have 
thought fitt to send unto you, intreattinge you to writte by 
my man that she may come away with him, if you thinke fit, 
or otherwise to direct him by some token to the same end, 
for I am altogether a stranger unto hir. I thinke she shall 
serve my sister Saunders' tume also, who hath a mind therto 
if God give opportunytie to both, thus in great hast I comit 
you all to the Almightie and rest ever 

Your very lovinge brother 

Sarr Jan: zoth 1625 Fran: Tilghman 



[MS. 27,999, f. 36] 

Cosin Oxenden, 

With the rememberaunce of my love I doe hartily 
salute you and I have now heerewith sent you a smale Roulett 


1625] the elder generation 

of Northdowne Ale which I praye you accept as a Signe of 
my Love and Token of my thankfulnes for manie Curtesies 
received from you ; if it bee good I have my Desire, but if it 
prove not well, I pray you blame the Brewer and not mee. 

And so prayeing you to remember me to my Ladye, my 
Cosin your Wife, my Daughter Pettit and the rest of our 
Freindes, I commende you to God and rest 

Your Loveing Freinde 

Daundelion the $th Val: Pettit 

of March 1625 



[MS. 27,999, 38 ] 

London this vijth of March An 0 1625 
Kynde Sister, 

My love salutes both yourselfe and likewes the reste 
of our good frends, etc. At Gabrell Richards beinge heere, 
I receaved a payer of gloves of him as a token from you, for 
the which I kyndely thank yow. I likewis receaued a letter 
the last weeke from my cousin Oxenden, wherin hee wroate 
for as much of the beste black damaske as would make you a 
Goune, kyrtle and wascote, the which I have sente doune by 
Gybbson, the foote post of Canterbury, and withall wild him 
to leave it with my Brother Paule for to be conueyed unto 
you, and herewith halfe a pounde of black Naples silke, the 
which coste xvs. I have sent of the damaske seventeene 
yeards, the price whereof is xiijs viiid per yeard. As for the 
monye that they come unto, send it at your layseure. I have 
likewies sent with these thinges a smale token of my love, the 
which I would entreate you to exsept of. Thus with the 
Remembraunce of my Beste wishes I conclude, leavinge of 
yow to the Tuission of Thalmighty, 

Your euer loveinge Brother 

to the utmoste of his pouer 

Valen: Pettit 



xvii yds. of Rich bl. damaske at xiij s viij d - xi h xii s iiij d . 
halfe a Pounde of bl. Naples silke pr. o • xvj s . 

xij 11 viij s iiij d 



[MS. 27,999, f - 4 1 ] 

. . . [Six lines at beginning of letter torn] I have sent v 11 at 
this time unto you which I thinke will be sufficient to dis- 
charge all your expence. You write unto mee that you doe 
intende to come downe presently, and that your tutor will 
come downe with you, whome I should bee very glad to see 
heare, and I will have you to tell him from me that if it please 
him to take [the paynes] to come to us, he shall be as hartely 
Wellcome as any frend we have livinge. I had thought to 
have written unto him aboute it, but finding myself an ill 
scribe I have left it undonne, hopinge that you have soe 
carried youre selfe towards him but you can persuade more 
with him than my letter could. I shall expect youre com- 
minge according to youre writinge. You may very easily 
come down in too dayes. Youre best way is to come from 
London to Gravesend by water, and from Gravesend you 
may easily come to my house in halfe a day. Thus wishing 
you to remember me unto your tutor and all the rest of our 
frends, I leave you to the protection of the Almightie, 

Your lovinge father 

From Barham this Richard Oxinden 

14 th of June 1626 

To my very loving sonne, Mr. Henry Oxinden, at Corpus 
Christi Collidge in Oxfoord, give this. 



[MS. 27,999, f - 43 ] 

[Henry Oxinden ’s friend and fellow-student, James Holt, entered 
Corpus Christi College as a Surrey (Thorpe) Scholar, on Dec. 



1 ith, 1620, at the age of fourteen years and five months. He took 
a B.A. degree 1625, M.A. 1628, when he became a Probationary 
Fellow and in 1630 Latin Reader ; he was incorporated at Cam- 
bridge in 1634. 

He was evidently a younger brother of Thomas Holt, admitted 
1606, and John Holt, 1611, who were also Surrey Scholars, for he 
mentions the death of his two brothers in college (Letter LIV). 
John Holt exchanged the living of Cranley, Surrey, with Dr. 
Anyan and succeeded him as President in 1629 : he died Jan. 10th, 
1630/1 and was buried in Westminster Abbey. Thomas became 
a Fellow 1614. 

On the death of Dr. Anyan in 1633, James Holt succeeded to 
the Rectory of Cranley in his turn. The living, a valuable one, 
was sequestered in November 1645, but before the Committee of 
Parliament for Surrey had finally decided how the revenues were 
to be disposed of, James Holt died — £100 a year was finally 
allotted to “ a minister in the markett town of Guilford ”, and a 
stipend of ^40 to James's successor, while the small additional 
balance which had accumulated since his death was handed over 
to his administrators to pay his debts.] 1 

Tempora si numeres bene quse numeramus amantes 
Non venit ante suam nostra querela diem. 

But before I proceed any further give mee leave to tell thee 
the last night’s dreame. Mee thought I met with some 
good company and Thyselfe in London at supper, at a 
Venison pasty, where wee wanted for nothing that might 
encrease the mirth of such a meeting : but when I awaked I 
found my stomacke as empty as if I had rather bin hunting it 
then eating it. Well then, no more of this then this : If 
dreams bee the effects of frequent and strong thoughts, thou 
maist demonstreatively conclude that I thinke on thee. For 
I confesse, amongst all the thinges enrolled in my Memorie, 
I can best disceme a Freind’s name there, and therfore 
marvaile not if that Love’s hungrie Appetite, by an happy 
remembrance of its object, doth often feast itselfe with such 
pleasant Apparitions in a dreame. But what, Harry, art thou 
extant and so long silent : why this is to entombe our Love 
before it is deade, or else, by not giving it nourishment, to 
1 Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 15,669 and 15,670. 



make the fruit therof abortive. Your Countriman hath 
saved mee a labour in relating of the Newes that is stirring 
here : and I care [not] for rehearsing at the Secondhand. 
Wee, you know, remaine here at Athens, and, being sicke of 
that old Athenian disease, are still desirous of Novelty : 
wherfore I expect to heare from you very shortly, and till 
then as all waies I remaine 

Your faithfull and loving Freind 

James Holt 

Oxon gth Aug . 1626 



[MS. 27,999, f. 99] 

[The writer of the following and other letters in this book was 
Mary (Sprakeling) wife of that gallant soldier, William Proud or 
Prude, whose effigy, kneeling beneath a canopy, is familiar to all 
who visit St. Michael’s Chapel in Canterbury Cathedral. Proud, 
“ Lieftennant Coronell in the Belgick Warres,” was killed at the 
Siege of Maestricht the 12th day of July, 1632, and buried in the 
“ Somerset Chapell ” on September 20th. The expedition of 
which his wife writes here was not the one from which “ he came 
no more out of the field ” but some earlier episode in his many 
campaigns (cf. Letter LXVIII). Proud’s stirring epitaph should 
not be forgotten although time has almost worn it from the stone : 

“ Stand Soldiers ; e’re you March (by way of Charge) 

Take an Example here that may enlarge 
Your Minds to Noble Actions. Here in Peace 
Rests one whose Life was War, whose rich increase 
Of Fame and Honour from his Valour grew, 

Unbeg’d, unbought ; for what he won he drew 
By just Desert. Having in Service been, 

A Soldier till near Sixty from Sixteen 
Years of his active Life : Continually 
Fearless of Death, yet still prepar’d to die, 

In his Religious Thoughts ; For midst all Harms 
He bore as much of Piety as Arms. 

Now Soldiers on, and fear not to intrude 
The Gates of Death, by example of this Prude.” 



While Colonel Proud was campaigning, his family lived at 
Garwinton in Bekesbourne, three miles from Canterbury, a pro- 
perty which he had purchased from Sir Henry Palmer. Mrs. 
Proud also owned land on the North Downs above Denton, at 
what is now called “ Wollage Green ” ( cf . Letter CII). 

“ My Lady Proud ”, whose severe illness she describes, was 
Anne Fagge of Faversham, the second wife of Sir John Proud, 
nephew to Colonel William. Sir John was also a soldier, and fell 
in 1628 at the siege of Groll in Guelderland. Lady Sprakeling’s 
maiden-name had been Eastday or Esday, and “ Cousin Esday ” 
was no doubt a nephew o i hers.] 

[Date torn] 

Deare Mother, 

My humbell duty remembred. I have not had anny 
Conveniant Ma[MS. torn]rell now to have wreten and now 
he comes in such hast that I have scarse time to write. 

I have thes day hard from my husban that hee is well but 
I have not sen hem this 7 monts nether shall thay come out 
of the feld this wentar: my husban hath mad my Cosson 
Esde [Esday] hes leftennent and hee hath mad on[e] M s a 
brom hes Sarchant, a Canterbery man, heare is not anny 
neues to writ of my lady Proud is brath abed of a dathar and 
it tes ded and shee har selfe very likly to dy for in har Child 
bed shee got the bloddy flexie which brought har very week 
but now thanks be to God shee is well recouard. I desire to 
be rembred to my sestar Oxenden and to my sestar Pettet 
and to both ther husbans. So, weth my daly prayers to 
god for your helth I rest 

Your obedient darter 

[Probably Autumn 1626] Mary Proud 



[MS. 27,999, f. 53] 


I am very sorry to heare that you are sicke but I trust 
[God] that he will restore you [to] your former health, how 



soe ever I [most] earnestly desire that you will take the visi- 
tation patiently, submitting youre will to his that hath sent it. 

I [do] assure you that it shall be the greatest comfort unto 
me that may be to heare that you doe patiently and cheere- 
fully undergoe this that God hath layd upone you. Sonne, I 
woold with all my hart have come unto you, if I did thinke I 
could have donne you any good, but I am well assured that 
youre tutor will doe as much for you as I could if I weare 
with you. I have sent unto you Goodman Cooper, one 
hoome I thinke you will well like of, and when he doth re- 
turne, if that you doe desire that I should then come unto 
you, I will doe it with- all possible speed. I have sent some 
money unto you by him, and your grandmother hath sent 
you a token, and your mother hath sent you another, and 
wee all doe ioyne in prayer to God that it will please hime to 
send you youre health agayne. Soe in hast I rest 
Youer ever loveinge father 

Richard Oxinden 

From Barham this jth 
of July 1627 



[MS. 27,999, f. 54] 

[Vincent Denne, to whom Letter XXIV is addressed, belonged to 
a well-known Kentish family, established at Denne-hill on the 
crest of the North Downs above Denton. Vincent had an elder 
brother Thomas, head of the house, and two sisters, Mary (b. 1587) 
married to Edward Osborne of Hartlipp, and Silvester, wife of 
Thomas Coppin of Minster. The sons of these marriages, 
Thomas Coppin and his cousin John Osborne, play an important 
part in the Oxinden correspondence. 

In 1627 Vincent Denne purchased an estate at Great Wender- 
ton, about a mile north of Wingham Church towards the village of 
Preston. No dwelling house now remains but a farmstead called 
Little Wenderton (Letter XXVI). Thomas Coppin’s grand- 
mother, wife of Robert Denne, was Thomasin, daughter and heir 
of Thomas Dane of St. John’s in Thanet.] 

3 ° 

1627] THE ELDER generation 

Your much love towards me maks me bold to trouble 
you with managing of my estat, which I thanke you for under- 
taking to prevent [MS. torn] trouble at another time. I have 
provided for [MS. torn] money, vidl. thirty pounds to rec. by 
bill of Exfchange] in Holland. My Cosen John Osborne 
was my [MS. torn] freind therein, wherefore I pray at your 
next convenient time send it him up to London, or to save 
your labor be you pleased to committ it to my Brother 
Chapman and I doubt not but he will discharge it, or if you 
have not soe much in readines I praye use my Brother’s 
help therein, for I cannot think that you have yett received 
soe much, if any at all. I praye excuse my boldnes with you 
and lett but my actions find a favorable constructione 
from you. And I doubt not but by the grace of God I shall 
goe those courses which maye be pleasing to him and give 
satisfaction to you and comfort to myself in the end ; and 
to that end I desire your prayers for me and my Grandmother’s 
blessing, to whome I commend my duty. 

The morrow or next day, as I am enformed, there goes a 
man of warre with the Lord Vere over to Holland. 1 I shall 
not omitt that opportunity, wherefore I take my leave of you, 
praying for your health and the continuance of your love to- 
ward me, Farewell. 

Your truly loving nephew 

Hartlipt io° Julii Tho: Coppin 




[MS. 27,999, f - 57 ] 



Considering how farre you have outgone all my 
friends in a manifest love towards me, and how backward I 
1 Cf. note p. 4. 



have beene to paye in writing a true acknowledgement, it 
being all I can, of the debt which nature and your love binds 
me to, to the one duty, the other thankfullnes, I cannot but 
accuse myselfe of much negligence. I was unwilling to be 
troublesome without occasions, but confidence of your 
goodnes hath emboldened me, and I cannot doubt that you, 
who of your love have undertaken to doe soe much for me, 
will be displeased to read some thanks from me. Sir, for 
your love and favor towards my person and estate, I yeild 
all due gratefullnes, and being not more able I praye God to 
requite you. 

I sojoume here in Leyden in a Frencheman’s house, by 
name Mouns r Rivet, a Dr. and Professor of Divinitye. 

I have good content here in all things, but I find it extra- 
ordinarye chargeable for one who would live in good fashions 
(you told me so much before I came). But it is not a life but 
a time I shall bide here, wherein I hope to gayne, though 
perhaps not to the world’s esteeme yett to my owne satis- 
faction, somewhat to countervayle my expenses. I know 
how apte love is to fall into jealousye, wherefore I feare lest 
my courses being expencefull, and your love and care to have 
me goe the thriftyest wayes, I say I feare lest you, doubting 
of my well doing, or rather disapproving of what I doe, maye, 
despairing of better of me, withdrawe your favour and 
affectione from me. I beseech you not to do soe, but lett 
me have your allowance to finish my educatione with this 
travell, which done I shall (by God’s helpe) retourne, con- 
fineing myselfe within more frugall limitts and paye my duty 
to my Country and friends, of whome I must holde you as 
Cheife. It was well sayed of a Heathen Nobis non nati 
sumus sed partim Patri® partim Parentibus, &c. But I am 
a Christian, and must first acknowledge I owe all to God and 
in serving him I shall serve the rest soe farre as I ought. I 
would shunne tediousnes, wherfore we having noe late 
accidents happened in these parts worth the relateing, to 
conclude I desire my dutye maye be tendered to my 
Grandmother, whose health with yours I praye for and also 


1627] THE elder generation 

desire both yours and her prayers for me in all my courses. 
I praye commend me to all my other friends. Vale 
Your observant Nephew 

Tho: Coppin 

Leyden sti: no: 8° Oct: 1627 



[MS. 27,999, f. 59 v.] 

Loving Uncle, 

I hope longe ere this time you have read one of my 
letters. I am bold to trouble you againe not onely with 
reading my letter but I desire you would be pleased to send 
to my Cosen John Osborne twenty pounds betweene this and 
Christmas for my use ; he will dispose thereof afterward to 
the Marchant with whome I deale. I am sorry to trouble 
you but I have not any friend one whose love and care in my 
affaires I can more prsesume then yourself. I hope to live not 
only to give you thanks but doe you service, and for that you 
maye not thinke your paines and care be altogether lost. In 
the meane time I shall praye for your happines and Long 
Life and also much joye of your late purchase of Wenderton. 
There is not any newes in these parts that I heare of. I am 
sorrye for our overthrow at Isle of Reyes, that is all the talk 
now here and of the desperate disease of our Commonwealth 
at home. There are Embassadours coming for England and 
France to effect a peace, the [MS. torn] State being much 
prejudiced by the warre betweene them. I would not be 
tedious unto you, wherefore commending my most humble 
love and duty to my Grandmother and yourself, desireingyour 
prayers for blessings one all my indeavours and assuring you 
I shall embrace your counsells and advise in all my courses, 

I rest Vale 

Your truly observant and affectionate 

Leyden 28° Novemb. sti . vet . 1627 Tho: Coppin 




I praye you commend my love and duty to my uncle Tho: 
Denne and the rest of my friends. 

Leave this letter at Mr. Thomas Denn his house in 

[Note in another hand :] 

I rec. this letter upon the 6 and twentieth day of January 
in 1627 an d I sent 20 11 away that daye to bee payd to my 
Cosin John Osborne’s at London to bee sent to my Cosin 
Thomas Coppin. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 63] 

[After the Dissolution, the Provost’s house of the College of 
Priests at Wingham was granted, with other Church property, to 
Sir Henry Palmer, Kt., and there he and his family thencefor- 
ward resided. The house stood immediately to the east of the 
church, behind a tall old red brick wall which still borders the 
highway. Within living memory it was described by old people 
in the village, who could recall its demolition, as the Mansion, or 
Wingham Mansion. Sir Henry was a soldier, and “ following the 
wars in France,” was slain, being seventy years old, at the Siege 
of Guisnes. His son, Sir Thomas, Sheriff of Kent, is said to have 
kept sixty Christmases in succession at the Mansion, with great 
hospitality. He died at 85, outliving his eldest son ; his grand- 
son, the next Sir Thomas, succeeded him in 1625, two years before 
the following letter was written. Another grandson, Herbert 
Palmer, Master of Queen’s College, Cambridge, crosses the stage 
in Letter CLXX. Sir Thomas Palmer married Elizabeth, 
daughter of Sir John Shirley of Isfield, Sussex— the “ Lady 
Palmer ” of several Letters.] 

Noble Sir, 

I doe remember that not long since you did tell me 
that your brother Mr. Richard Oxinden was desirous to be 
Lieutenant of my troope of horse ; it so happens that I am at 
this time destitute of a Lieutenant ; if therefore your Brother 
be still of the same mynd I shall thinke my selfe much 


From a portrait by Daniel Mytens in the possession of Lady Capel Cure. 
Photographer, Donald Macbeth, 17, Fleet St., London. 


honnoured by it. Wherefore I shall desire you to lett him 
know so much and to lett me understand his answere as 
soone as conveniently may be 

Thus I rest 

Your assured loving 
Friend to serve you 

Wingham this 16 th Thomas Palmer 

of Feb. 1627 


[MS. 27,999, f. 52] 

[In University parlance the Grace was originally “ a dispensation 
granted by the Congregation of a University, or by some Faculty 
in it, from some of the statutable conditions required for a degree. 
As in the English Universities the full performance of the condi- 
tions ceased to be enforced , 1 grace * came to be an essential pre- 
liminary to any degree.” 1 Hence, in these letters, the expression 
means “ the permission of the Congregation to take a degree.”] 

Honest Harry, 

Accuse thy Freind’s occasions excuse for not writing 
hitherto, I am not myselfe at this present : yet, bicause thou 
art so desirous to know how the aifaires goe with us here, I 
shall somwhat acquaint thee therwith. We retaine still the 
same Vice-president; Mr. Gearing and Mr. Hegge are chosen 
Deanes. Mr. Newlin and Mr. Webbe are likewise our 
Bursars. Since your departure we have three new Scolars 
chosen, and now ther is another place void, by the death of 
Mr. Parry. Sir Sampson is married to Mr. Bradford’s 
daughter and hath left the house. Stratford, Blakiston, 
Waller, Sparkes, Vauhan and Lake have all of them there 
graces in the University, but the President playing the dis- 
honest man, in proposing Vaughan’s grace before his seniors, 
was hindred of his purpose by the Seven, who still crosse 
him in all his designes : so that now he is willing to give them 
1 Murray’s English Dictionary. 



all a Placet but feares that if he should propose them in order, 
that the Seniors would deny Vaughan, who as they pretend, 
cannot goe out this Lent without breach of Statute. There 
is none of them as yet can obtaine their Graces in the house. 
Wee all likewise have our Graces in the University, but have 
not as yet bene solicitous for them in the House. Our time 
commeth within this fortnight nor can wee tell what successe 
wee shall have. But our comfort is, that though the Pre- 
sident deny us, the Visitor can graunt our graces. Our 
President we heare is chosen to be one of the Clerks of the 
Convocation for Canterbury, and therefore will, we suppose, 
now stand to the accusations they lay against him, unles he 
chaunce to breake his legge againe. But if he be called in 
question againe, I feare he will find but few to helpe him. 
Your Freinds Sir Bridges, Waller and the rest salute you and 
so in hast I rest 

Ashwertsday 1627 

Your euer loving Freind 

James Holt 

Mr. Garner and Rowle are already Bachelors, and John 
Beamont was made knave collector. 

[Latin verses on the back.] 

Alternis tuus Aeneas tibi certat Achate, 

Nec quia tu vincis carmine, vincit amor. 

Gratior hac nulla est, quae venit epistula, quaequam: 
Subscript! Henrice pagina nomen habet. 

Ut legi, legisse semel non sufficit, omnem 
Excutio partem quae mihi tota placet. 

Facundum te fecit amor ; quis captus amore 
Non nova metra facit ? Me quoque metra juvant. 

0 utinam versus facerem queis constet ut arces 
Quas nobis Pallas condidit, ipsa colat. 

Spes foret Oxoniam [ut] citius tibi causa videndi, 

Quae gnati longas increpat usque moras. 

Spes foret ut mecum noctes consumere velles 
Queis hiemem tecto pellere pruna solet. 



Sed tu lentus abes secura per otia laetans, 

Qui potes Aoniis nectere verba modis. 

Te gelidum nemus et labentis murmura rivi 
Quaerentem doceat stridula carmen avis. 
Forsitan et nostram spemet tua rustica Musam, 
Et si nos vincas rure, quid urbe manens ? 

In summa do manus : abeas in carmine victor. 
Sed scio quod te plus diligo : victor eris. 

Nihil hie nisi carmina desunt. 

Oxon. Jan . 14 


Jacobus Holt 

[The following information relating to persons named in Letter 

XXVIII is taken from Fowler’s History of Corpus Ckristi College , 

PP- 394“5 : 

“ Mr. Gearing ” — Henry Geering of Winterton, a Lincoln 
Scholar Oct. 12, 1611, Fellow 1617. 

“ Mr. Newlyn ” — Robert Newlyn, of Priors-deane, a Hampshire 
Scholar Nov. 7, 1622, President Oct. 9, 1640, re-admitted at 
the Restoration July 31, 1660. 

“ Mr. Webb ” — Benedictus Webb of Wotton-Underedge, a 
Gloucestershire Scholar June 16, 1615, Fellow 1624. 

“ Mr. Parry ” — Henry Parry of Canterbury ; a Kent Scholar 
Jan. 4, 1608, Fellow 1614 (see Fowler, p. 437). 

“Sir Sampson ” — John Sampson of Lymington; a Hampshire 
Scholar Sept 19, 1622. 

“ Stratford ” — George Stratford of Guy ting ; a Gloucestershire 
Scholar Feb. 18, 1624, ast. 13 years 9 months, Fellow 1632. 

“ Blakiston ” — Robert Blackiston of Sedgfield ; a Durham Scholar 
Feb. 18, 1624. 

“ Waller ” — Stephen Waller of Amersham ; a Bucks Scholar 
Apr. 1, 1625 ; set. 13I. 

“ Sparkes ” — probably Noel Sparke of Sandwich ; a Kent Scholar 
May 31, 1627, Fellow 1632. 

“ Vauhan ” — Edmund Vaughan of Ashstead ; a Surrey Scholar 
Aug. 7, 1627 , Fellow 1633 ; author of the Life of Dr. Thomas 
Jackson , President C.C.C. 1631-1640 (see Fowler, p. 184). 

“ Lake ” — William Lake of Broadhemston ; a Devon Scholar 
Aug. 7, 1627, Fellow 1634. 



“ The Visitor ” — Richard Neile, Bishop of Winchester {see Fowler, 
P* i8 9 )* 

“ Sir Bridges ” — Stephen Bridges of Chippenham ; a Wiltshire 
Scholar Dec. 11, 1623, Fellow 1631. 

“ John Beamont ” (or Beamond) — Clerk, Nov. 10, 1624 ( see 
Fowler, p. 427). 

“ Rowle ” — possibly John Rowland of Eaworth ; a Bedford Scholar 
April 25, 1617, set. 13 years 7 months, cf . Letter XXIX.] 



[MS. 27,999, f. 69] 

[1. Nicholas Sympson. 

Nicholas Sympson of Canterbury, “ Sir Sympson ” of the fol- 
lowing letter, was a Kent Scholar at Corpus in 1623. He was son 
of John Sympson, Canon of Christchurch, and grandson of 
another Canon, Nicholas Sympson. Dart (in his History of Can- 
terbury Cathedral , p. 53) is evidently in error when he says that the 
younger Nicholas was of Christchurch , Oxford. Nicholas was 
baptized in the Cathedral on Feb. 23rd, 1605. The Latin epitaph 
which Dart prints and translates from the Sympsons’ gravestone, 
now in the south-west transept, gives high praise to “ Sir Symp- 
son ” as well as some facts of his subsequent history : 

“ The Son in his Youth followed Merchandize, especially in 
Italy, but the Civil Wars breaking forth he retired into the Country 
and there lived honourably ; he was a Man of sharp Wit and 
singular Industry, Pious, Peaceable, Honest, unstain’d in his 
private Character, approved in publick Affairs, faithful to his 
Prince and to the Church ; a true Friend, Dear to all, and 
lamented by all, whom everyone had in especial Honour. He 
died August the 22d, Anno Dom. 1680. Aged 57.” 

2. John Rowland's birthplace 
Hegge’s Catalogue under date April 25, 1617, gives : 

“ Joh. Rowland, Bed. Eaworth. In 1619, when sworn, Eiye- 
worth (Eyworth).” There is no mention of Litlington.] 

Loving Harry, 

I received your letter which was dated March the x th 
not untill the xxvii th day of the same moneth : wherin, 
Mr. Parryes death being premis'd by you, you inferre a false 



consequence, to witt that therfore there is a Kentish place 
void ; for i’le assure you there is no such matter, and had 
it beene soe you should have had presently notice of it. 
There can be no such place void till Sir Sympson doth either 
leave the house or els be chose Probationer, which perhaps, 
euntibus ordine fatis, may fall out within the space of two 
yeares, and then if either I or my Brother are in place to 
pleasure your Brother, you may assure yourselfe he shall have 
all the favour that may be shewed, and I doubt not but by 
that time he may sufficiently deserve the Place. Your Tutor 
is at this present in the North, the cause of his ioumey was 
his Father’s death : wherfore I have sent backe the letter you 
wrote unto him, it being as I suppose to no purpose ; his 
retume hither will not bee till after Easter. 

Mr. Rowland was to be chosen Probationer in Mr. Parry’s 
place, but there hath bene two Certificates brought against 
him, the one is negative, that there was never any such man as 
John Rowland borne at that Place he pretended, the other 
doth affirme that he was borne at Litlington in Cambridge- 
shire, so that in all lawfull proceeding he is to be praeter- 
mitted. Sir Sympson and Sir Bridges remaine still Bachelors, 
there being a controversy between them about their Sen- 
iority. Sir Stratford, Blakiston, Waller, doe determine this 
lent, the Others are kept backe. . . . 

April 11. mdi.xxviii 



[MS. 27,999, f * 7 i] 

London this IX th of June 1628 

I Receaved your letter in a letter of my brother Paules, 
wherein hee gave me order for the paymente of XX h unto 
Mr. Newman for you ; presentely after the receipte of your 
letter I met with Mr. Newman in Fish Streete, unto [w]home 



I remembred your love and told him that I had order to pay 
him his money, the which I tolld him I would bringe him in 
the aftemoone or the next mominge. I wente in the after- 
noone to speake with my couzin Richard, but his Master bee- 
inge in the shopp I could not have soe much Conference with 
him (I meane with my couzin) as I intended. Soe that the 
nexte mominge I wente thither agayne . Mr. N ewman beinge 
buisie above stayers with a Customer, I had som speech with 
his prentesses and afterwards with my cousin Richard, after 
which discourse, thoughe I helde oute parte of the money, 
yet I put it up agayne, and spake unto my cousin to speake 
unto his fellowes not to let ther Master know that I brought 
the money. 

I must needes say that, both by my Cousin Richard’s 
words and also by his fellowes, I perceve that the Master is 
much alterd since hee hath beene marryed. For they all say 
that, through her dyssuadinge him, hee is brought to such a 
pass that hee will beate them for any smale occasion, the 
which I cannot approve of, and if I had knowne that hee 
would have provd soe It should have been farre from mee 
from wishinge of your sonn unto him ; there is a greate 
many have beene deseaved in him besides myselfe, I mean in 
Mr. Newman. I have much wondred that your sonn spake 
noe thinge of this usadge when you bounde him, nor unto 
mee, for I have divers times since questioned with him, but 
hee alwayes telld mee that hee liked his Master well but his 
Mistris was somthinge a strange kynde of wooman. Where 
upon I thoughte with myselfe, in regard if hee liketh well of 
his Master the matter is not greate, for moste of London 
mistrisses ar strange kynde of woomen . 1 I have had speech 
divers times with my Cousin Richard touching his Master 
and hee telleth still that he thinketh that hee shall never live 
vii yeares with his Master, upon which speach (hee still 
continueinge in the same minde for all my perswations) 
hath made mee detayne the monye from him as yet, not 

1 Valentine was himself married to a London woman, Elizabeth, 
daughter of Clement Morse, Comptroller of the Chamber of London. 



knowinge what to doe in his case. If he be so resolved as 
that he cannot continue his tearme of yeares with him, wee 
weare better breake of upon fayer tearmes now then heer- 
after ; for he is not inrowled as yet, and therefore hee may 
goe away from his Master, whereas if hee weare, his Master 
mighte make him serve oute his tyme with him, or in a worse 
place : yet notwithstandinge, though hee bee not inrould, 
you muste in a manner stande to his courtesy for the Return- 
inge of any parte of your Mony agayne, but I thinke wee 
shall not finde him unreasonable, if wee have cause to make 
use of him in that kynde, by my cousin’s cominge away from 

I have had [conference] with som of my acquayntance 
aboute the same, who are in the same mynde that I am in, and 
that is that it is not amiss to pay the mony, for both they and 
myselfe suppose that hee will detayn never the less of the 
mony back agayne if I doe pay the same, but rather, if I 
should not, it would be a meanes to make him keepe backe 
more then I suppose hee would doe if hee had rec d the whole ; 
and therefore, if in this I continue in the same mynde untill 
tomorrow, I shall thinke it the beste course to pay the same 
and to take up your bill. 

As I wroate unto you before, my cousin hath had the 
small pox, but hee had but a fewe of them ; and if they had 
com oute fuller hee would not have bene so feeble now as hee 
is : hee hath beene rid of them this fortnighte verry neere ; 
hee hath taken ii purges, the firste wroughte not well but the 
other did ; thankes be unto God hee looketh verry cheerfully 
agayne. Hee likewis complayned unto mee of scarsety of 
dyeate when there Master and Mistris dyndes and suptes 
forth, which that they often doe at her father’s. The doctor 
that my cousin was advised by, wishe him to goe into the 
country and take the freshe ayer for a weeke or such a matter. 
Mr. Newman and I had som speech of his goeinge into the 
cuntry for a while, unto a frend’s house of his neere hand, to 
take the Ayer ; I doe Intende to speake unto him to let him 
goe sudenly, and by that tyme that hee cometh back agayne 



I [MS. torn] heere from you that I may better [MS. torn]. 
I make noe question but hee will be the better for takinge of 
the freshe ayer, and the more healthfull afterwards, whether 
hee stay there or ells wheare. If hee cannot like of the place 
hee is in when hee cometh oute of the country, if you thinke 
good, after he goe from thence hee may goe to scole to sypher 
and write a while, untill you have otherwis provided for him, 
or ells, if you thinke good, I will seeke oute for another place 
hopeinge for a better ; for my owne parte I am sorry that I 
was soe unfortunate in placeinge him. Thus with the re- 
membrance of my love I reste yours 

Valen: Petit (sic) 



[MS. 27,999, f. 73] 

[An “ Act ”, either (1) a thesis publicly maintained by a candidate 
to qualify for a degree, or to show his proficiency, (2) as in James’s 
letter, the occasion on which the theses were discussed. 1 The 
new Probationer, Edward Pocock of St. Peter’s in the East, Ox- 
ford, Scholar Dec. 11, 1620, Fellow 1628, was afterwards Laudian 
Professor of Arabic, Regius Professor of Hebrew, and Canon of 
Christchurch, “ one of the greatest Oriental scholars whom Eng- 
land has ever produced.” 2 ] 

Loving Harry, 

I know not whether [MS. torn] wonder or indignation 
by reason of my [MS. tom] loath to be so unfortunate as to 
raise a [MS. torn] But whither I stand guilty or noe since 
[MS. tom] I feare not to undergoe the brunt of a [MS. torn] 
taine a pardon. Your first letter you [MS. tom] which was 
dated in Aprill, came not to m[MS. torn] but it having layne 
a long time at [MS. tom] man of Harthall by chaunce reading 
[MS. torn] thereof brought it at length to Oxford [MS. torn] 
to me. I had returned you likewise an answer [MS. torn] 
letter but that I supposed I should have then [MS torn] 
1 Cf. Murray’s English Dictionary 2 Fowler, loc. at., p. 183. 



enioy’d your Company which you seemed to intimate like 
wise at the end of your letter. Your last letter I will assure 
you I had no leasure to answer till now, I being employ’d about 
necessary businesse against the Act and a multitude of 
acqu[ain]tance also pressing upon me, so that I could not be 
mine [MS. torn] man (as they say). That I doe not answer 
you in that ma[MS. tom] as you expect or I ought, impute it 
not I pray to the w[ant] of love but leasure. For I still re- 
maine my selfe and so long doubt not but you may challenge 
a share in mee. 

Common newes here is none to acquaint you with but 
what I suppose you know already. Mr. Rowland is praeter- 
mitted and Mr. Pococke is chosen Probationer 1 in Mr. Parry’s 
place. Since the Schole M K place of Manchester is fallen 
void, which the President hath bestowed upon Mr. Rowland. 
I desire you to acquaint mee when I may expect you here, 
and whither you are recovered of your arme and legge which 
you signified were out of ioynt : I pray either convey your 
selfe or mind by the next retume of the Carrier. Thus 
wishing for your welfare and presence here shortly, in hast I 

Your assuredly loving Freind 

James Holt 

Oxon vi Aug . 




[MS. 27,999, f - 79 ] 

Brother Henrie, 

My love unto you i have receved your kind and lovinge 
letter which you sent unto mee and I am very glad to heere 
that you ar in good helth as i am at the writing of thes poore 
weeke lines unto you and i coold wish that i had saved the 
1 i.e. Probationary Fellow or Scholaris ; cf . Fowler, p. 46. 



paynes of writing them soe that i might have ben soe happy 
not to tell it yow in Lines but in wordes : i coold wish that i 
were with you at Barham or you with mee at London. 
You profes a greete deele love to mee which i thinke my selfe 
very much obleged and bound unto you for setting your love 
upon soe poore a shrimpe as i : had i the arabian gould or the 
ingian pearle it woold not dooe me soe much good as to 
inioy your longe desired and happy cumpany i can tell you no 
neuse but this that there is peese concluded with france : i 
pray remember my duty to my mother and my love to all 
your naighboures, rembring my murie grant and all the rest 
of our frendes, in hast i rest, committing you to God's pro- 

Your ever loving Brother till deth 

Richard Oxinden 

This 10 of May 1629 


PART II. 1629-163 2 


The Letter-writers (in italics ) and their circle. Part II 
introduces : 

The Sprakelings. 

Robert , (1577-1646), eldest son of Sir Adam Sprakeling. 
Elizabeth (b. 1581, d. unm.), second da., “ my sister Sprakeling.” 

The Rector of Denton. 

Francis Rogers , D.D. 

Some Kentish Gentlemen 
Sir Robert Lewkenor of Acris. 

John Philipott , Bailiff of Sandwich, Somerset Herald. 

At Cambridge 

Francis Blechynden , Fellow and Tutor of St. John’s College. 
Allen Henman, Fellow of St. John’s College. 


Part II (Letters XXXIII-LXIX) is concerned chiefly with 
James Oxinden’s college career, superintended by his elder 
brother Henry, who has now become, on his father Richard 
Oxinden’s death, head of the family at May dekin. 

James is still at Cambridge, but encouraged by Henry’s old 
friend, James Holt, he makes an unsuccessful attempt to win a 
scholarship at Corpus Christi College, Oxford. His college career 
is hampered, in his own opinion, by an inadequate allowance : his 
tutor at St. John’s, Francis Blechynden, tries to hold the balance 
between the brothers. 

Richard Oxinden now joins the army in Guelderland, where his 
uncle, Colonel Proud, holds a command. 



Henry Oxinden assumes also the varied responsibilities of a 
country squire ; his uncle, Sir James Oxinden, gives him fatherly 

John Philipott, Somerset Herald, supplies Sir James with the 
latest intelligence. Thomas Coppin continues his travels in 
Europe (for historic note see p. 5). 



[MS. 27,999, f - 8 °] 

Loving Herry, 

I had notice of your father’s death 1 in a letter from 
Dr. Anyan, who now lives at Canterburie, (Dr. Holt being 
now our President). 2 You are discreet enough (without my 
counsell) to digest these common crosses of mortalitie. I 
had little thought when you lay so sick at Oxford and allmost 
given up for dead that you should outliv’d your father. But 
in this world we are but Tenants at will and no man has a 
lease of his life for tearm of yeares. It was supposed that 
you would have proceeded Master this Act ; but this accident 
perhaps will both hinder that, as also (for which I would be 
sorrie) your comming againe to Oxford to stay among us. 
I pray you lett me heare from you at your leasure. Your 
letters (if I cannot enjoy yourself) shall ever be welcom to 

Your very loving friend 

Robert Hegge 

Jan. 3. 1629. 

This letter was not opened since it cam from Oxford, and 
I desire that Mr. Oxinden would com to me to Cant, and be 
assured of it. J. Anyan. 

1 Richard Oxinden died May 30, 1629. 2 Cf. supra, p. 16. 





[MS. 27,999, f - 82] 

[Francis Rogers, D.D., was a son of Dr. Richard Rogers, Dean pf 
Canterbury and Bishop Suffragan of Dover ; in addition to the 
Rectory of Denton he held the Vicarage of Alkham and was Rector 
of St. Margaret’s Church, Canterbury, where he was buried in 
1638. His house in the city was close to the Queen’s Arms Inn 
(cf. Letter LXXXIV). Dr. Rogers married Thomasine Fogge, 
widow of Dr. George Fogge of Chilham. She herself belonged 
to a Chartham family, but she may well have known the footpaths 
through Mr. Marsh’s newly acquired estate of Tappington, for 
her late husband’s brother, Captain Richard Fogge, R.N., had at 
this time a residence at South Barham (< cf . Letter CVII). The 
Rogers purchased a house in Denton for themselves in 1630 from 
John Philpott of Eastry, and after the Doctor’s death Thomazine 
sold it to Sir Basil Dixwell. 1 The Marshes’ ancestral home, since 
the reign of Elizabeth, had been at Brandred, a manor and hamlet 
in the north-east part of the parish of Acris. Thomas Marsh 
married a sister of Sir Francis Nethersole, whose heir their son 
John afterwards became. About 1628 Marsh purchased the 
Manor of Tapton or Tappington in Denton and built wholly or 
in part the house afterwards celebrated in the Ingoldsby Legends . 

Good Sir, 

I perceave by this Gardener that ther is a common 
highwaye throw Thomas Marshe his grounde, and my wife 
can remember an high waye ther ; I nowe wish yowe to 
enquire of some too or 3 or 4 more old folkes, as William 
Maunger, Christopher Jull and suche ; if you cann gett such 
witnesses, without fayle gett them to come with yowe next 
tuesday to the sessions and there yowe shalbee instructed in 
the best mannere by counsell how to proceede ; for if too or 
3 will and cann trulye saye as this old man sayth, youre case 
is sure to goe with yowe, and soe with all our best love to 
your mother, sisters and yourselves I rest 

Youre true friende 

Canter. Julye 16. 1629 Francis Rogers 

1 Oxinden Papers (D. and C.), Nos. 21 and 73. 




[MS. 27,999, f - 84] 

Loving Brother, 

I received your last letter by which I understand that 
you would have me send you a Note of the money which my 
Mother and you and my sisters sent me, which I have sent 
you inclosed in this letter. Allso you would have me send 
you word how I speede with the schollersship, of which I can 
write noe certainty unto you, onely expect the best, for the 
Election will not be till a month after Michaelmas. You 
write unto me to send you word whether I can live for 20 11 
the yere, or ellse you will guide som other course that I may 
live cheaper, touching which thinge I thinke I shall hardly 
live this year for soe much, by reason that being new come 
I have had soe many thinges to buy. But I hope that the 
next yeare I shall, when all thinges are setled. I assure you 
that I spend none of your money idlely, still remembringe 
your love and kindnes, for if I should, I should shew myselfe 
unthankfull unto you for your soe great love, for nothing can 
seeme more odious unto you then to heare it. I hope as yet that 
you heare nothing of my Tutor but that I am a good husband, 
which god grant I may continue, to requite your kindnesses. 

I pray you to send me your lexicon by this Carryer, if you 
can spare it, for I stand in greate neede of it, and I pray you 
to send me your Aristotle’s Ethicks, if you can spare it, for it 
is the next book I shall use and it were a folly for me to buy 
them before I here from you, and I pray you to send me your 
Ovid’s Metamorphosis in English, and I pray you to pray my 
mother to send me a payre of stockinges and a Cupple of caps. 
Soe remembring my love and servise unto you and my duty 
unto my Mother and my love unto my sistars. Hopinge that 
you will be mindfull of me. I rest 
Your loving Brother 
and willing to please you in all thinges 

From St. John's Colledge in Cambridge J AMES OxiNDEN 
this i$th day of September 1629 





[MS. 27,999, 86 and 87] 

[Francis Blechynden, son of Humphrey Blechynden of Ruffin’s 
Hill, Aldington, Kent, entered St. John’s College, April 6th, 
1625, Fellow 1640, Senior July 21st, 1643. 

He was ejected with several other Senior Fellows, during the 
Mastership of John Arrowsmith and after the ejection of Dr. 
Beale, for failing to subscribe to the “ Oath of Discovery ” so- 
called, required by the English Parliament in correspondence with 
the National League and Covenant. 1 ] 

Worthy Sir, 

I have received of this Bearer (according to your 
letter’s intimation) seven pounds, three whereof was to be 
disbursed in the furnishinge of your Brother with necessaries 
both for back and belly, and the other foure for the rest and 
welfaire of both : should I now tell you that the former 
summe is alreadie layed out (and soe crave of you a fresh 
supplie) I feare you will be apte to accuse us of ill husbandrie, 
but when you have take a vew of the particulars of our lay- 
ings out, I hope you shall not therein find the least profuse- 
nesse, soe that yf thereby we doe cleare our selves from that 
which most of us are guilty of i.e. prodigality, I doubt not but 
that you will be the forwardar to put a new stocke into our 
hands, which that you may doe, this inclosed note will show 
you how we have disposed of the old. And after my best 
love remembred unto your Mother, yourselfe and your 
sisters, he rests who is 

Your loving friend 

From Camb. Franc: Blechynden 

Sep: 17 th 1629 

September z$th 1629 

Received by me Thomas Dickenson, Cambridge Carrier 
for Kent, 

1 Baker, Hist . of St. John’s College , ed. J. E. B. Mayor, pp. 225, 327, 
335 . 

d 49 


of Mr. Henry Oxinden the summ of fowre pounds to be 
paid to Mr. Frauncis Blissenden of St. John’s Colledge in 
Cambridge for the use of Mr. James Oxinden his pupill, 
I say, &c. 4 11 

By me 

Thomas Dickenson 



[MS. 27,999, f. 88] 

Lygorne 19 0 Sept. 1629 
Most Loving Uncle, 

I have received here at Lygorne the some of fiftye 
pounds sterling, the which I praye you paye unto Mr. Libbe 
Chapman or his assignes upon the first opportunitye after 
the sight of my bills which import the same. I must ever 
beseeche you to excuse me that I continue thus troubling 
you. I assure you were it not necessitye that puts me on it I 
should be more modest in these my importunate requests. 
But you know that one cannot travaile without expenses, and 
if it maye please you to consider the condition of these times 
and places were I now am, you will find that those expenses 
are to be extraordinarye and so by consequence I am enforced 
to trouble you much and often in disboursing for mee. For it, 
and all your singularr good love towards me, which both be- 
fore and since my leaving England I have abondantlye found 
in you, and which I hope may ever continue, I shall allwayes 
protest myself for ever bounde in all humble dutye and 
affection. As for our publike affayres here in Italy, I know 
not anyething but what I thinke I maye have mentioned unto 
you in my former letters, that Lombardia is like to be made 
the stage where two or rather manye great Princes are like 
[MS. faded] to appeire ; each partye stands with his armes 
ready [MS. faded] the king of France at Lusa hath great 
forces, likewise the Emperor at the other passages of the 
Gersones ; eache begins to descend ; the Spanyard and the 



Venetians as the seconds to the quarrell make all the force 
they can. In generall all Italye stirrs. I wish the warre 
maye quickely begin and long continue, supposing it maye 
be good for our parts. But not further to trouble you at 
present, I humbly commending my love and [MS. faded] 
unto you, to my Grandmother, and Uncle [MS. faded] ever 
prayeing for your prosperity and desiring to live in your good 
favour, I rest 

Your most loving observant Nephew 

Tho: Coppin 



[MS. 27,999, f - 89] 

Worthy Sir, 

I have received according to your letter’s intimation 
£4, part whereof was due unto me, as you may understand 
by your last bill I sent you ; and the remainder I am still to 
be accountable for ; but at this present I will spare that 
labour by reason it is not yet all disbursed, neverthelesse be- 
fore the Carriar can mak a seconde returne I feare my owne 
purse againe must satisfie his wants, which will hardly sup- 
plie mine owne. Wherefore lett me intreat you not to lett the 
Carriar returne from you empty handed, and since I have 
undertaken to be a petitioner unto you, lett me further intreat 
you to furnish your brother with a winter gowne ; what 
quantitie of cloath will serve the turne, and alsoe what other 
necessaries, you shall understand by himselfe. I am not able 
as yet to certifie you that your brother is a member of the 
Collidge, by reason that our Scholars’ Election is not untill 
the 2 of November, and if then he might [fail] of it, sure I am 
he is not rewarded according to his desertes, which that he 
may be, there shall be nothing wanting in him who is 

Your friend 

Camb. Octob . 6 1629 Franc: Blechynden 

Pray speake my service unto your mother and sisters. 





[MS. 27,999, f. 90] 

Harry Oxinden, 

I desire thee to excuse mee for my not writing unto 
thee since our parting. I should be glad to heare from thee ; 
my leasure will not serve mee at this present to enlarge the 
expression of my love : onely to be breife I salute thee kindly 
and wish thee all content and happinesse. I desire thee to 
send mee word when thou wilt be with us, or what thou dost 
resolve upon, bicause there be many earnest suiters unto the 
President for to succeede thee, which shall not come to passe 
without thy consent. Thus in hast I commit thee to the 
protection of the Almighty and rest 

Your ever loving and true 

Oxon. Octob. xiiii James Holt 




[MS. 27,999, f * 9 2 ] 

Loving Brother, 

I remember my love unto you hoping that you ar in 
good health as I, thanks be unto God, am at this present ; 
my occasion of writing unto you is that you would send me by 
this Carryar the lexicon which you promised to send me the 
last time. Also because it begins now to be cold I desire you 
to be mindfull of your promise to Mr. Nichols to send me a 
winter goune, and I shall have neede of noe more gounes 
before I be Batchellar. 

I did think to have prolonged the time not to have sent to 
you till I should have sent you word of the gettinge of the 
schollar’s place. But seing my Tutor hath writ unto you I 
have made bold to trubble you with these few lines, desier- 
inge you, if you can possible, to helpe me to a winter goune, 



of which the winter approching I stand in very great neede. 
For which your kindnesse I shall not be able to thank you for 
sufficiently, onely but by labouring to be a good husband. I 
hope as yet you here nothing of my Tutor to the contrary as 
yet, and I hope you never shall, soe not to trouble you with to 
many of inconsiderate words, onely remembring my duty to 
my loving Mother, and to thanke her for her last kmdnes, and 
my love to my sister Katherine and to my sister Elizabeth 
and to my Brother Adam, 

I rest 

Your loving Brother 

From Cambridge Jam: Oxinden 

this 23 of Octobar 



[MS. 27,999, f * 94] 

Good nephewe, 

I have spoken with Sir Thomas Palmer concerninge 
your default in Armes, who nobly, readily and cheerefully did 
tell me that for this time he would not returne you, the man- 
ner beinge in my estimation more than the thinge it selfe, tho 
at this time it is well worthy of acknowledgment and thanks. 
Yet I presume hee expects neyther from you, which tho he 
doe not, I perswade myselfe you will not only thinke it 
meritts as much, but you will take some convenient oppor- 
tunity to tender it him, which cannot be now before his goinge 
to London, for this morninge early he was resolved yester- 
night to undertake his iorny. I heard you were heere to 
have spoken to me. I am sorry I was not then in the way, 
but if you please to dine with me this day you shall not faile 
to meete 

Your affectionate uncle 

This present munday James Oxinden 






[MS. 27,999, f. 1 12] 

Most Loving Uncle, 

If I maye seeme negligent in this kind of duty towards 
you, I beseech you impute it to my unwillingnes to trouble 
you with idle and empty discourses, and not to forgettfullnes 
of my dutye and respect which I ow unto you, whereof this 
is but the shaddow. These times and places yeild nothing 
but troubles : the plague, sword and famine every where 
threatning. As for the sword, thanks be to God this state 
hath not felt it but by a strong apprehension of feare ; the 
Duke of Savoy hath a long time held an armye by them 
and cut off all commerce and trafique, so that no victuals 
maye come into this towne from those parts towards Savoye, 
which causeth a great scarcitye, by reason that the most 
parte of fruite and corne about us was spoiled by stormes. 
It hath pleased God to adioyne to this a maladye which is 
feared to be the plague. I am held constant at this place 
now 6 months and now am ready to goe towards Italye. . . . 1 

Your most loveing and obsequious Nephew 

Tho: Coppin 

Geneva ^ Jan. 1629 



[MS. 27,999, f. 1 15] 

Worthy Mr. Oxinden, 

Old acquaintance made me bold to wright unto you : 
and I am persuaded you will not refuse to send me an 
answer. I have allmost this two years bein abroad in the 
Country having resigned my place at C.C.C. Since I left 
the university, I have not found soe good friends as to prefer 

1 Some fourteen lines on money matters and of salutation are here 
omitted. For historic note cf. supra p. 5. 



me to any place worth accepting, wherfore being destitute of 
all place beside my Father’s house (which is in Westminster 
in London, near the mill bridge, where I now live), I become 
a suiter unto you (because I am confident of your furtherance 
to your power which cannot be small in those parts), and that 
you would doe me that favor if you know of any place that 
you may iudge me fit for, either A good Schole, or A likely 
place to keep A Schole, or any thing that belongeth to your 
Church, for I have been compleat Minister a great while, or 
any place to travell as Chaplain, or any wais to have my 
charges borne, I care not how far nor to what part of the 
world, that you would commend me unto it. I could live 
at my father’s and not bee beholding to any, but this my 
intent I thought fit to make your selfe private to, since pre- 
ferment is hard to bee got and I am content to undertake any 
reasonable course if my friends will second me. I presume 
of your good will and best endeavours, to whome I profess 
in the sight of God I wish all the happines I could to my- 
selfe. This letter if it serve for noe other use yet let it serve 
for the cheifest thing I aime at, the continuance of our old 
acquaintance . F arewell . 

Yours till death 

John Rowland 1 

Feb . 18. 1629 



[MS. 27,999, f * 1 18] 


Upon the receipt of your letter I have taken an 
occasion to write unto my Sister Sprakeling concerning the 
matter in question betweene her and you, and I doubt not if 
you repaire unto her, againe making your formal demand, 
but that she will give you a satisfactorie answere. The 
Reason as it seemeth to me why she refused to disburse any 

1 Cf. supra, p. 38. 



money before that I had given order for the same, is because 
it ought to have bin first demaunded of me, and for my de- 
fault of payment, then of her, but the principal! cause in my 
opinion which hath moved her to use this delaye, and made 
her backward to parte there with, is the wrongs which she 
supposeth have bin offered unto her, deeming it without 
equall reason that she should paye there where double so 
much as her debt will not make due recompence for such 
hurts as she hath sustained, and thinking it maye be with 
all that time will cause thes things to be better understood 
then as yet they are. 

The truth is, she holdeth herself somewhat injured by the 
taking downe of those trees about her tenement at Barham 
which my late grandfather and father, with good regard, pre- 
served to defend the same from stormes and tempestes, 
much more oppressed by the wastes in the buildings there; 
and tho she finds herself to be so, yet I think the same 
doth not so much offend her as the other, because the wrong 
therein was voluntarie. It is not unknowne unto me that 
there was a Lawyer’s opinion had thereof, who often times so 
wrest the law as they will make it seeme to be such as they 
suppose doth best accord with the desire of their Client, and 
so I doubt he dide, but if the parties’ advise had bin required, 
which ought to have bin by my mother’s order, then he would 
have truely informed that the cutting downe of trees standing 
in defence and safeguard of the house is destruccion and 
wast, though they are willowes, beech, aspe, or maple, which 
happilie might have prevented the occasion of this distast ; 
but these thinges concerne not me, and therefore I leave 
them to the consideracion of them to whom the same doth 
appertaine, and so with remembrance of my love to your 
mother and you, I ende and remaine 

Your loving unkle 

Rbt Sprakeling 

St. Laurence 
2 Aprill An 0 1630 





[MS. 27,999, f- I22 l 
Cosin Oxinden, 

I am very glad that the difference betweene my sister 
Sprakeling and your Mother is so neerely accorded, as that 
there resteth but only a matter of six poundes odd, which is 
so smale a summ as it doth not greatly skill whether of them 
two be at the loss thereof, so that all former displeasure 
might be forgotten therewith ; but doubting that my sister 
Sprakeling, in regard of the wrong which she supposeth her- 
self to have received, will not be that partie, I desire that if no 
faire remonstraunces maye induce her to condescend to the 
payment of any greater summ then that which she hath 
alreadie offered, that then you would intercede and perswade 
with your mother to accept thereof, whereby you shall aswell 
prevent suits in law and other detriments and disturbances 
which usually follow the same, as cause amitie to be betweene 
your mother and her, and your kinsmen her sonnes to have 
you in the greater estimacion, and your whole kindred and 
others to approve of your good nature and moderation ; and so 
hoping that you will not be wanting in a work so well becom- 
ing yourself as -this, I very kindely salute you and ende and 

Your loving unkle 

Rbt Sprakeling 

Ellington 14 Aprill An 0 1630 



[MS. 27,999, 12 3 ] 

Good Sir, 

It hath pleased god to viset this towne with a most 
greivious sicknesse, and although he hath beene so gratious as 
to spare the Collidges as yet, yet could not your Brother stay 



here without eminent danger, wherefore it hath beene our 
Collidge care to give a generall dismission to all, both fellowes 
and schollers, to depart, and soe to him in particular, wherefore 
I have thought both the safest and the cheapest way to send 
him home unto you ; for should I have provided a place 
neare unto Cambridge for him, I feare it would have beene 
upon such hard tearmes as you would not have consented 
unto, besides I must have left him unto himselfe and soe the 
greater part of his time might have beene lost, which I hope 
you will now see better spent. When it shall please god to 
withhold his hand and withdraw this plague from us, you 
shall heare from me that soe he may returne againe, and if he 
tarrie with you untill after Whitsontide, my purpose is (god 
willing) to come downe unto the Country, and if I make any 
stay there, to see you, but I doubt I shall not, by reason I 
com upon our Collidge affaires. There hath some 12 died 
of it and there are 6 houses shut up, if not more. I beseech 
god to be mercifull unto us and to stay his hand, that it 
spread noe further, which is much feared, by reason that it is 
begunn soe soone among us . Thus, after my love remembred 
unto your selfe, praying for your health and happinesse, I rest 
as you shall alwayes find me 

Your loving Friend 

Camb . Aprill 20. Fran: Blechynden 




[MS. 27,999, f. 128] 

Most loving uncle, 

Thanks be to God, I am at last safely returned into 
England, and landing at Rye some occasiones have brought 
[me] up to London without seeing you or any other of my 
friends in Kent, but I intend God willing to be with you ere 
long : in the meane time I beseech you to send up hither to 
my Cosin, Mr. Libbe Chapman thirty pound which I have 



had of him. Whatsoever els I maye have of busynes I shall 
referre it unto our meeting : wherefore at present not 
willing more to trouble you, I humbly commend my best 
love and service unto you, with my duty unto my Grand- 
mother. I rest 

Your most assured loving Nephew 

Tho: Coppin 

London 4 0 Oct: 




[MS. 27,999, f. 130] 

Good Sister, 

I have talked with your sonne Richard aboute his 
returne to his master, who I finde very unwillinge, insomuch 
that if I had gone up to that end I doubt my iomy had bin to 
noe purpose. I should be glad for his father’s sake to use all 
my endeavours to do him any good, but me thinkes I finde 
his conceyt so set upon a new master that what shall be done 
to that end wilbe altogeather lost; theirefore if he continue 
still in this minde, you must thinke of a new course, that is a 
new master, for him, which I doubt will cost a good summe of 
mony and a longe time of treatinge, both with his old master 
to gett in his Indentures and to settle him with the new. I 
cannot express that I would in my letter, therefore if my 
nephewe Harry will meete me tomorrowe at Canterbury in 
the afternoone we will confer about this busines. So 
hartely commending myselfe to you and all yours 
I rest 

Your very affectionate brother 

James Oxinden 

Deane zz 8 br 




[MS. 27,999, f. 131] 

Worthy Sir, 

The reason why I have not beene forwarder in satisfy- 
ing your desires is, because my Cambridge friendes have 
beene soe backward in answering of my letters, for untell this 
last Saturday I heard no certaintie from there and therefore 
could not (with confidence) acquaint you with any passages 
there ; but now I have received not only a letter but a Bill, 
the latter certifies me of 343 that have dyed or suspected to 
have dyed of the Plague since Feb: 28 untell Novemb: 8 (I 
beseech god yf it be his blessed will multiplie not that num- 
ber) and that publike acts begann to be kept 21 of this present 
month : the former assures me I may with safetie returne 
thether, most of our societie being there alreadie, wherefore 
I purpose (god willing) to sett forward for Cambridge one 
Tuesday next, and if it please you to beare your Brother com- 
pany hether, we shall both be thankfull unto you and you 
shall both be verie welcome : but if neither he will come soe 
farre out of his way for my company, lett him but call at the 
Shipp in Gravesend one Wedensday next and he shall find 
me there ; nor you will take soe dustie a iorney upon you to 
see me, I must be content to write that which I would gladly 
speake unto you, my thankfulnesse for last kinde entertain- 
ment and all your former favours, and if it please you but to 
speake my service unto your Deare mother, and the best of 
my respects unto your loving brothers and sisters, you shall 
further bind him unto you who rests 

Your Faithful Friend and Servant 

Fran: Blechynden 

Aldington Novem , 

30 th 1630 

If Mr. Francis would have but stayed the writing of these 
lines this messenger’s labour should have been spared. 





[MS. 27,999, f. 133] 

Worthy Sir, 

Ever since the danger of this towne’s heavie visitation 
hath gratiously beene removed from amongst us, I have 
waited in expectation of your brother’s returne againe unto 
this place, but being hetherto frustrated, it renders me suspi- 
tious that either our country delights hath alienated his 
affection from his booke, which I should be sorie to heare, or 
else some other occasions hath violently detained him from 
it, which I beseech god to shorten, for I must feare that this 
longe vacation will prove soe much lost time, soe that when 
he comes (as shortly he must) publikely to shew himselfe, his 
auditors will finde him to be a trewant, to his owne shame and 
my discredett : but if it be sicknesse that withholds him from 
me, he must arme himself with patience for the present, and 
hereafter with double dilligence, whenas god shall restore 
him unto his health againe ; as for his schollar’s place, there 
is noe danger of loosing of it, though he continues with you 
untell midsomer, for I have gotten him dayes untell then ; but 
I hope these lines will rather hasten then putt of his iorneye. 
Thus after my love remembred unto and my prayers for you 
both I rest as you shall alwayes find me 

Youre loving Friend 

Camb. Feb . 14 Fran: Blechynden 


Pray forgett not to present my service unto your mother 
and sisters. 



[MS. 27,999, f - 135 ] 

Worthy Sir, 

My laste letter directed unto you was but a summons to 
call your brother hether, which your care did anticipate ; and 



it was your care likwise (as he certified me) that frustrated my 
expectation, for whereas I presumed that you would not send 
him unto me emptie handed, he told me your reason was 
because it would find a safer passage by the bearer hereof then 
by him ; but finding that he is returned likwise without soe 
much as an answere to my letter, I cannot but wonder at it, 
and it doth imbolden me to be an earnest sutor unto you not 
to lett this bearer returne without his errant this second time, 
and God willing upon his nexte returne he shall bring you a 
bill of my former disbursings for your brother, who now is 
verie well, and if he neglect not the opportunitie which now 
is offered him, he cannot desire nor I wish a more carefull 
man to reade unto him then now I have provided for him, 
and if you find any deficiencie in me any other way lett your 
penn show it and I will labour to amend it, as one that studies 
to expresse himselfe in what he is able 

Your true Friend 

From S. John's Coll: Fran: Blechynden 

in Comb. March 23 

Pray present the best of my service unto your dearest 
mother and of my love unto your loving sisters. 


[MS. 27,999, f- 137 ] 

[Cowsted, a manor in the parish of Stockbury, belonged at this 
time to Edward Osborne of Hartlipp, Thomas Coppin’s uncle. 

<4 Mr. Sharp ” and his daughter may have been of the Sharpes 
of Nin’s Place, Great Chart, and “ Mr. Hay ” that Richard Hay 
who was from 1614—1630 Rector of Murston, near Sittingbourne.] 

Most Loving Uncle, 

Your kinde letter of the 25 of March I have a while 
since received and now returne you answer with many 
thankes. And first concerning Mr. Sharp his daughter ; it 
seemes you have not yett had any particular conference with 



her father or Mr. Quilter upon the busynes thought on, save 
only that I should see her. You know the manner of this 
age is first to know what shee is worth, but I perceive you 
rather give me encouragements to follow her at Cowsted. 
It is true by my uncle Osborne’s meanes, and I must thanke 
him for his love, I had some wordes with her Brother, Mr. 
Hay, concerning an intent that waye, but never hearing since 
of any proceeding on their part, I saw myself as slighted, and 
repent me to have shewed myself so forward. I hope God 
will dispose of all for the best, to whom I adress myself dayly 
by prayers for a blessing on this waye of marriage ; next I beg 
your good love and counsell, whereto I shall be as obedient 
as I am sure that will be sound and reasonable. I thanke 
God and my good friends I doe meete some good proposi- 
tions in these parts also, and on(e) in particular Mr. Baker 
understands of, and he will certify you thereof more directly 
then I can. It will be after Easter before I shall come downe 
into Kent and untill then I shall referre all other busynes in 
the meane time with your conveniency. I praye send me 
up twenty pounds and let it be directed to Mr. Libbe Chap- 
man for it may chance that I shall be out of the towne. Not 
willing farther to importune you, I most humbly commend 
my love and duty to my grandmother and to your self, hartely 
praying for your health and the continuance of your love 
toward me I rest 

Your humble and affectionate 

Nephew and servant 

London 6 Aprilis Tho: Coppin 




[MS. 27,999, f. 138] 

Worthy Sir, 

I received upon the last returne of this Bearer a letter 
from you, and with it five pounds, for both which lett my 



thankfulnesse be accepted : from your letter I understand 
that your desire is to bind your Brother unto five pounds a 
Quarter, which desire of yours I have acquainted him with : 
and alsoe have advised him to be more moderate in his 
expences then of late he hath beene, which if he doth not 
harken unto, I must be constrained to beare a stricter hand 
over him then hetherto I have done, or else you must be 
forced to alter your determination by increasing his allow- 
ance ; he hath promised to keep within compasse, and I will 
doe my best to see him performe it. In your Brother’s letter 
you shall find a bill of my disbursings for him, the summe 
whereof (as you may collect) is 7 1 . 10 s . n d . My occasions 
call for the employment of my penn another way, wherefore 
after my best love remembred unto your selfe and my ser- 
vice unto your mother and sisters, give me leave to rest as 
you shall alwayes find me 

Your ever loving Friend 

Camb. May 2 d Fran: Blechynden 




[MS. 27,999, f. 140] 

[The name of “ Thomas Dundeaux pleb. fil,” the “ Dundy ” of 
Holt’s letter, is found among the students of Oxinden’s year, 1626 
(Fowler, p. 453). “ Mr. Rainbow ” was probably John of Blyton, 
Lincoln Scholar July 27, 1621, Fellow 1629. Edmund Rainbow, 
also of C.C.C., lived to be Bishop of Carlisle. For James Holt’s 
two brothers see supra , p. 27.] 

Loving Freind, 

I thanke you for your kind letter and Token you sent 
unto mee by Thomas Dundy. I have not bin a litle dis- 
tracted in mind since, by reason of the sudden losse of my 
two Brothers here at the College, which made mee not a long 
time to enioy any comfort or solace myselfe with any Frend. 
I do crave pardon therfore for<my long silence. I had sent 
ere this some Mathematicall bookes which you did once 



affect, could I have had a convenient messenger, but I doubt 
not but I shall have both leasure and opportunity hereafter to 
send them to thee. My busines at this time is to certify you 
that there will be a Kentish Schollarship void very suddenly : 
Mr. Rainbow his case is so desperate that he cannot live 
above a day or two at most, so that your Countryman, Mr. 
Simpson, wil be the next Probationer, and then the scholler- 
shipp for that country will be void. 

I pray let me heare from you whither you do purpose that 
your Brother shall stand for it. I dare warrant him the glory 
of the day if he have but a competent sufficiency and be not 
over aged. I pray send me word of both. I know you shall 
have freinds among the Electours, besides my selfe, that 
shalbe ready to pleasure your Brother before any other. If 
your Brother James, which you told mee was at Cambridge, 
be above xviii or xix yeeres of age, as I thinke he is not, or els 
be better sped there, if you have any younger Brother capable, 
it wilbe no disparagement to venture him and make exper- 
ience of your Freind’s love. Time was I could have given 
thee some assurance of this place if it had fallen, howsoever 
I will labour to the utmost of my power to obtaine yet for 
your Brother if you desire it, and I thinke it will not be with 
much difficulty effected. I pray let mee heare from you 
suddenly, let not my letter be seene of any. I am and wilbe 
in this or any other busines 

Your faithful freind to my power 
May the xxv. James Holt 




[MS. 27,999, f- 142] 

[Allen Henman, Kent Fellow of St, John’s College, 25th March, 
1639, was ejected in 1650. He was a benefactor to his College 
Library and his arms appear in the Liber Memorialise quarterly, 
or and gu. on a bend sa., three crosses patt^e fitcWe of the first. 1 ] 

1 Baker, loc . cit ., p. 294. 



Worthie Sir, 

Urgent occasions doe now call me from the Univer- 
sitie into west contrye, and as yet I know not how long or 
how Iitle while I shall stay there, wherefore I have thought 
fitt to convertt your Brother to another man’s Tuition, whoe 
I hope will be able to worke more good upon him then I can 
do ; it is one Mr. Allen Henman, a contrye man of ours, a 
verie honest man, and one which your Brother made choice 
of, and I doe verie well approve of his choice, for I doe assure 
myselfe that in eache respect he will show himselfe a carefull 
and loving Tutor towards him ; wherefore my sute at this 
present unto you is that you doe not faile to furnish him with 
mony : as for what remained in my hands upon my last 
accounts, it is disbursed alreadie, soe that a fresh supplie will 
be earnestlie expected. Thus with the best of my love 
remembred unto your selfe and the rest of your familie, in 
great hast I rest 

Your loving Friend 

Comb. Jun: 2 Fran: Blechynden 



Draft Reply from henry oxinden to james holt 
[MS. 27,999, f- H 1 ] 

[MS. tom] . . . end I received your letter at Canterburie 
the 4th day of June last past. [MS. torn] in manifest tokens of 
the continuance of your love unto mee ; in being mindful of 
the performance of a kindnes to your power, the promise of 
which I had long [time] past forgotten : but since you have 
againe put mee in minde of the same, moreover perceiving 
your willingnes therein, I should negligently injure my 
brother should I neglect the triall of so kinde an offer upon 
probabilitie [MS. torn] obteined. Hee is now at Cambridge, 
where he hath beene resident awhile and is yet under the age 
of 19 yeares. I am greatly deceived if many that have had 
lesse scholership have not beene admitted into your corpora- 


From a portrait, by Cornells Janssen, in the possession of Miss M B. Slater 
Photographer, B. & W Fisk-Moore 


tion. Neither doe I knowe anie thing to the contrairie, 
partialitie being laide aside in your election, but hee may de- 
serve it as well as another of his yeares. But relying nothing 
thereon but onlie uppon your Friendship in procuring such 
friendes as may best helpe him in the election, I shall alto- 
gether trust uppon the same. My brother is in a schollers 
place at Cambridge worth about 5 11 by the yeare, which he 
may enioy no longer then till hee bee Master of Arts, and 
therefore if you thinke fitting I will venture the fortune of 
the day. I have a verie greate desire to obtaine it for him, if 
it may bee had for love or monie, for hee must take some 
course whereby to augment his fortunes, hee having left him 
300 11 for his portion, and the same to bee paid him when hee 
shall attaine unto the age of 22 yeares, and in the meanewhile 
I will see hee shall not want. I shall take it as a great addi- 
tion to your former kindnesses if uppon like [MS. torn] 
hoods you endeavour to obtaine the said place for him, and 
will not be tardie in the requitall of soe great a good tume. 
If it shall please you to give me notice of the time of the 
election hee shalbee present to stand for it. I desire you to 
lay out this 4 11 , which I had sent ere this had I had oppor- 
tunity, upon a Silver Tun and give it to the use of the col- 
ledge. My last request unto you is that I may enioy your 
companie this vacation and to continue with mee untill it bee 
ended : I hope you will not doubt but you shall bee more 
welcome then anie friend I have : my house and bookes, 
myselfe and what else is mine being at your command. The 
bearer hereof, my neighbour, by name Mr. John Wood, after 
the Act will accompanie you allmost to my dwelling, who 
being come to take the degree of Master of Arts will grate- 
fully accept at your hands anie kindnes you may doe him in 
the furtherance of the same. Thus in hast, hoping I shall 
not faile of your compane and that you will remember my 
love and service to such as are best affected to me, I rest 
Your loving and faithfull Friend 
June the fifth Henrie Oxinden 






[MS. 27,999, f. 144] 

[In February 1630/1 Thomas Jackson succeeded John Holt as 
President of Corpus. 

“ My Lord of Winchester,” Dr. Richard Neile, Visitor of the 

“ Mr. Kingman,” Robert, of East-Norrington, Somerset Scholar 
November 7th, 1614, Fellow 1622. 

“ Mr. Webb,” probably Benedict Webb of Wotton Under- 
edge, Gloucester Scholar June 16th, 1615, and Fellow 1624. 1 

Dr. Newell, a Canon of Westminster. 

It was not “ young Sympson ” who secured the Scholarship, 
but Thomas Francklin of Ashford. 

Loving Friend, 

These are to certifie you that a Kentish place is already 
void, and wilbe chosen out of hand, wherfore I would desire 
you to send your Brother hither with all speed, for I thinke 
the time of the election wilbe within this fortnight or iii 
weekes ; wee cannot tell certainly when it wilbe, before it be 
warned, but in all likelihood it wilbe before the Act. The 
President, Dr. Jackson, is now at London, and I have wrote 
to my brother who liveth there to solicite Mr. Duncombe, 
my Lord of Winchester his chaplaine, and Dr. Newell, who 
have some power with him, to be earnest with the President 
in your brother's behalfe for this schollarshipp. If we can 
winne him over our hopes are wonderous good. It will not 
be amiss for you to write to Dr. Bambridge to solicite Mr. 
President in your Brother's behalfe at his retume from 
London. I pray write a kind letter to Mr. Kingman and 
Mr. Webb, who are the Deanes at this present, and desire 
them to shew your Brother all lawfull and statuteable favour. 
I will not trouble you to write to any of the rest, I will finde 
opportunity to presse them sufficiently. I know your 
Brother shall have faire play, it will not therefore be amisse 
to venture him, let what will falle out, but I hope the best, it 

1 Fowler, pp. 394 and 395. 



wilbe no discreclitt to him to try his fortune. I pray you 
likewise to send me a Certificate of his age under the 
Ministers’ and Churchwardens 5 hands : I could wish he were 
under the age of xviii, howsoever he hath liberty to stand till 
he past nineteene. He hath a young Sympson to oppose him 
but we feare him not. I will take order for a convenient 
lodging and dyett for him till the time of the election be 
past, and instruct him what wilbe expected from him. If 
your occasions would permitt you to come hither and bring 
him along with you, I should be wonderous glad to see you, 
and I know your Brother would find some favour for your 
presence. I will bespeake a Tunne according to your 
desire, but I will not deliver it till the Election be over, least 
it shou’d be suspected it was sent as a bribe. I pray send a 
little scheme of your Armes. Once more I doe entreate your 
companie, I knowe it wilbe some furtherance to your 
Brother and a great ioy to me, who am left 

Your disconsolate yet true and 
faithfull Frend 

Jun: xv. mdcxxxi James Holt 


Draft Reply from henry oxinden to the foregoing 
[MS. 27,999, f - i4S] 

Loving Friend, 

Let my mother’s unwillingnes of my soe longe and 
farre absence from her if not altogether excuse yet somewhat 
mitigate my offence in not fulfilling this your earnest request 
in coming over unto you. Truly I wish with all my heart I 
could conveniently have done it, both in respect of seeing you 
as allso in making such meanes to the electors as might have 
beene necessarie to the furtherance of the matter now in 
hand. Howsoever I could have expected no more then 
ordinarie kindnes from them : in regard I never was inti- 
mately acquainted with them, and uppon the suddaine, by 
making show of love and the like, to have gon about to have 



procured their favour would iustlie have beene suspected a 
meanes only to have served the present occasion. I can 
desire noe more from them then this, that if the Parties that 
shall oppose my Brother have noe neerer relation unto 
them then myselfe, and a satisfaction for the kindnes they 
may lawfully doe him that they would vouchsafe to show mee 
such love as they might have expected from mee in as great a 
matter. Friend to bee short (for soe the time compelles mee 
to bee) the Electors will either be partiall or not partiall, if not 
partiall it will bee in vaine to use any meanes unto them ; 
if partiall, as is most likelie, (it being the nature of all men to 
encline to that partie they best afect and from whom they 
receive most kindnes) the best way will bee wholie to en- 
deavour to sway theire affectione to our parte, to the effecting 
of which I desire you to take all lawfull courses you can 
imagine to bee most availeable. I will not stand out for 
cost to the utmost value of the place, which (if necessitie 
require) I earnestly desire you not to bee sparing in, but to 
lay out for mee that you shall think requisite, and in all pos- 
sible hast I will see you satisfied. I would that Mr. Kingman 
and Mr. Webb did conceive that if they did my brother a 
kindnes it should not bee done in vaine etc. I assure you my 
brother is not nineteene yeares of age untill the middle of 
August next ensufnge, as appeareth by a certificate herein, 
under the Minister’s and Churchwardens’ handes of the parish 
where he was borne. I conceive great hopes through your 
love and endeavours of the obteininge of this place, which if 
I shall infortunately misse, I desire you to see that my 
brother make all the hast hee can to St. John’s Colledge from 
whence hee came, where I would not have him bee knowne 
during his absence where he hath beene. The latenesse of 
the night will not suffer mee to proceede, wherefore without 
any directions, leaving the whole ordering of the busines to 
your discretion, ile now take my rest, and rest 

Your loving friend 

Henrie Oxinden 

June 19. 1631 





[MS. 27,999, f. 147] 

Loving Freind, 

Not to trouble you with many lines at this present ; 
your Brother is safely arrived here in Oxford, and I wish I 
had him a quarter of a yeare before, I would have made no 
doubt of obteining the place for him. I have examined him 
a litle since his comming, but I find him very raw in the 
Greeke toung ; howsoever I thinke his opposites wilbe as 
raw, onely there wilbe some difference in their yeares. I 
have instructed your man somwhat, which if he can procure it 
wilbe some advantage to your Brother. The election wilbe 
in the Act weeke as they say, wherefore I would desire your 
Company here at the Act, you should be welcome to many of 
your good Freinds. Wee will use as good meanes as wee 
can for the procuring of this place for your Brother, if he 
faile of it I shall be more sorrowfull then you will be : there 
be good hopes. In hast I rest 

Your faithfull and true freind 

James Holt 

Jun: xxvii. MDCXXXI 



[MS. 27,999, f. 149] 

Oxford July the 10 1631 
Deere Brother, 

I know the vehement desire and the exceeding greate 
care which you have of my welfare listeneth to heare some 
news of the schollar’s place, but I cannot write any certainty 
to you concerning it, by reason that there is soe many that 
stand for it, to wit 9, that I allmostfeare of the obtainingit, but 
still am in hope and in the meane time noe way shall be left 
untried by me. Mr. Holt did greatly desire to have seene 

7 1 


you at the commencement, and did tell me that if you your 
selfe were present it would goe better with me concerning the 
schollar’s place. But I suppose your great busines in other 
affaires would not suffer you to come. I cannot write to you 
when the Election will be as yet, for it is at the Presedent’s 
appointing and about a weeke hence he goes a progress into 
his Contry , and then I beleive, if it be not before his going, that 
it will not be this 8 weekes, and then I think I must retire 
agane to Cambridg. I hope you arre all in good health. I 
desire you to remember my Duty to my Mother, my love to 
my Sisters. I will not at this time troble you with many lines 
nor hinder my more carefull study in writing many lines ; 
leaving noe way untried, and as the proverb omnem movebo 
lapidem to the obtaining of it, 

I rest 

Your Loving Brother 

James Oxinden 

From C.C.C. in Oxford 

I pray you, if you can conveniently, that you would not 
let the church book be seene, but keepe it in the house, or 
else order the Figures according to the writing that was sent 
up by Good. Coper. 


[MS. 27,999, f. 15 1] 

Good Nephue, 

My marsh man was with me on tuesday last and tells 
me that your haye is ready, and desires that you would out of 
hand send for it ; there wilbe three great loades of it as he 
sayes, and a neighbour] of his will helpe you carry one loade 
if you please ; I finde the reason is because he hath bought 
2 dozen of wattles beside you and so would have you pay for 
his carriage so far, which if it be so there is noe question but 
(if that you hire your wagon) he will do it somwhat cheaper 



then another ; this I promised him to acquaynt you with all. 
So with my harty love to my good sister and yourselfe 
I rest 

Your affectionate uncle 

13 July 1631 James Oxinden 



[MS. 27,999, f. 152] 

Dearest Brother, 

That misfortune of losing the Scholler’s place makes 
me allmost affraid to write unto you, but I hope that you 
having heard (i doubt not) that it was not any defect of me, 
you will have me pardoned soe that my letters may have free 
access and accepted as they were before ; having the oper- 
tunyty of this carrier and being now allmost as they say ita 
pauperior for want of money by reason that I cannot heare 
from you, I therefor now intreate you to send me my quar- 
terage. But me thinks I heare you wonder how it should 
come to pass that I should want money soe sone, having re- 
ceived some from you soe lately : but I hope the letter which 
I sent you by my Cosine Pettet will expel that doubt out of 
your mind : wherefor I intreate you to be soe loving as you 
have always beene, and in this necessity to set to your help- 
ing hand, and this time not to deny. And you shal not heare 
from me againe till next quarter. Thus in hope of your 
favour I goe forward, desiring you all soe that you would 
desire my Mother to send me some bands and Cufts and 
Hanchechers and 2 or 3 towells, which were promised me the 
last returne of the Carrier and now I hope I shall not miss of 
them, in which hope, being in greate haste, remembring my 
love to you, my duty unto my Mother 
I rest 

Your ever loving Brother 

From St. Johns Colleidg James Oxinden 

August the 14 1631 




[MS. 27,999, f. 154] 

Loving Freind, 

I had wrought unto you long ere this but that I had 
a purpose to have scene you, but some accidents have fell out 
since which have defeated mee of my journey and now the 
Tearme is come in so that I can not stirre. Never was I more 
sorrowful then that my endeavours could not take effect in 
obtaining of a Schollar’s place for your Brother in our house. 
I was loath to signifie first that (I suppos’d) unwelcome 
newes, but I am glad you take it in so good a construction that 
you do not misconster your frend’s well meaning by reason 
the event was not more successful. I have presented a 
silver Tankard to the College according to your desire of 
4 1 price, with yours and likewise the College Armes engraven 
on it, which was thankfully accepted of by the whole com- 
panie, and it doth adde no small lustre to your reputation in 
our College that having left it you have bin so mindfull of 
it. I have sent backe to you the silver piece you sent for a 
patteme enclosed in my letter. I should have bin glad your 
Brother could have remained any longer with mee, that I 
might have showed him some curtesie ; I hope it may be my 
fortune to enioy you both with mee at Oxford, no Frends I 
have shall have more free welcome. I remaine your debtor 
still, but you shall heare further from mee when I can get a 
convenient Messenger. In the meane time I committ you 
to God’s protection and ever rest 

Your ready and faithfull 

freind to command 

James Holt 

Oct. xii 






[MS. 27,999, f - l6 ] 

[Sir Robert Lewkenor became the owner of Acris Place through 
his wife, Catherine, co -heiress of Alexander Hamon of Acris 
(d. 1613). The Lewkenors in 1666 alienated Acris to the 
Papillon family. Sir Robert Lewkenor d. 1636 ; he had four 
sons, Hamon, Robert, Stewart and Edward, and an only daughter, 
Katherine, married to a Sprakeling, who fell a victim to her hus- 
band’s brutality. 1 ] 

Good Mr. Oxenden, 

I have an Intention to fell and sell Canterwood this 
year, which occasioneth me to be a sutar unto you for a double 
Curtesie ; the one that when we make the fences you would 
be pleased to take order that yours may likewise be repayred ; 
the other that you would doe me the favour to way me to 
Denton street (which way some must of Necessitye goe) 
thorough your Land or by your Tenant, to whome satisfac- 
tion shall be made if he have any harme, which if you shall be 
pleased to grant me I shall take it as a very great Curtesie and 
shall be ready to requite in the like or any other matter that 
shall lye in my power, howsoever I shall not be wanting in a 
thankfull acknowledgment of your Love. And soe with our 
best respects to yourselfe and to your good mother and sisters 
I rest 

Your ever assured loving frend 

to be commanded 

Acris No : 15. 1631 Robert Lewkenor 



[MS. 27,999, *6o] 

Good Nephew, 

I have sent you heere inclose those p[ar]ticulars I will 
assure you unseene and unexamined of any but myselfe ; 
1 Hasted, lii. p. 346. 



your Gloves and watch I will not forget if I may have them 
safely conveyed unto you. I am sorry I disapointed you, my 
occasions were such as in truth I could not spare him, but I 
hope it is for the best. For sending for a barber for my 
selfe, and thinking he might have some insight in the busines, 
I carryed him to your horse, and neerely examininge that 
touth we found that tho it sticke out farther then the rest yet 
certenly it doth not vexe him or trouble his feedinge, which 
we are both confident of. So with our best respects to our 
good sister, yourselfe and the rest of our sweete cozens 
I rest 

Your very affectionate uncle 

James Oxinden. 

10 1631 



[MS. 27,999, l6 *] „ , 

[William Boswell was appointed to succeed Carleton as Secretary 
to the Hague in February 1631/2. He was knighted at Bois-le- 
Duc in Brabant in the following July by John Philipott, Somerset 
Herald (q.v. infra , p. 77).] 

Most Loving Uncle, 

. . } I must once more propound unto you my designe 
to go over into Holland with Mr. Boswell (who is to be Agent 
there). I feare your dislike thereof, which I am sure pro- 
ceeds from your love and care of my welfare, wherefore I 
should be most unthankfull and undutyefull should I doe 
anything against your wishe which I have ever protested to 
observe ; yett if it maye please you to consider what benefitt 
maye arise from this going over, I doubt not but you would 
not altogether disapprove thereof. It would sett me in a 
waye to live like a good Comonwealthes man, in a vocation 
iustefiable before God and man : and to the encrease of my 
estate : the hazard I make is not much, foure or five months’ 

1 Ten lines of business detail here omitted. 



time and twentye pounds more or lesse in my expence : be- 
sides the place is so neare that upon any occasion at ten dayes 
warning I can be back agayne. I goe not now, as at first, to 
wander up and downe from place to place to satisfye my 
curiositye, but shall abide firme at one place and to some 
employments. The Gentleman with whome I goe is well 
knowne to the world to be an honest, noble and able man and 
to sell in particulare both here at home and abroad by many 
countreyes, that every one iudgeth it a most fitt opportunitye 
to do my selfe good and make some use of those slender 
studyes and travells I have alreadye made : besids he hath 
protested to doe for me as he should for his owne sonne : and 
that which troubles me most is that he seemes to have relyed 
upon me and maye be preiudiced by my not going with him : 
I humbly entreat you to conceive well of it and grant me your 
leave, without which I will not stirre, but rather lett slip all 
hopes in the world besyds, and wholy relye upon you : you 
maye, I confesse, as you have beene, be still a father unto me, 
and what prefeerement I loose one waye recompense it 
another ; your countenance I know, may further me much in 
marriage, but yett this I presume not one : it is the bond of 
dutye and affection that tyes me to observe you and love you, 
and no particular end of my owne, as God and my conscience 
can testifye. Thus praying for your health I commend my 
humble duty and affection to my Grandmother and yourselfe 
and desire to receive one word or two from you, hoping you 
shall discover what shall be best for me, where I rest 
Your most affectionate Nephew 

Tho: Coppin 

London zz° Martii 1631 



[MS. 27,999, f- 166] 

[John Philipott, the friend of Camden and author of Villare 
Cantianum , born between 1587-1597, was appointed Rouge 
Dragon in November 1618 and promoted to Somerset Herald in 



1624. In that capacity he attended the funeral of James I, riding 
bareheaded from Theobalds to London in front of the cortege, 
and was present also at Charles the First’s coronation. Among 
many other offices he held that of Chief Gunner in the fort of 
Tilbury, with a fee of is. a day, and was Steward of the Royal Manors 
of Gillingham and Grain. The Oxindens and their neighbours 
knew him best as Bailiff of Sandwich, and it is doubtless to him 
that Sir Thomas Peyton irreverently refers (Letter CXLII) as “ the 
Maltman Viceroy of Sandwich ”. Philipott made two excur- 
sions overseas, m 1632 to knight Sir William Boswell, Resident 
with the States of the United Provinces, and in 1635 to take the 
insignia of the Order of the Garter from Charles I to Charles 
Lodowick, Duke of Bavaria, at Bockstet. He followed the King 
to Oxford and was for a time prisoner to the Parliament. He 
died in 1645 an d was buried in St. Benet’s Church, Paul’s Wharf. 
Philipott was, from this letter, evidently a great admirer of the 
military genius of Gustavus Adolphus, King of Sweden. The 
King was about to follow up his campaign in Germany with the 
fatal expedition into Saxony, in support of John George I, the 
Elector of Saxony, which ended, on November 15th, 1632, in his 
death on the victorious field of Lutzen and the retreat of Wallen- 
stein. 1 James, Marquis of Hamilton, had, in the previous year, 
taken 6000 English and Scots troops, his own levies, to the help 
of Gustavus Adolphus at Stettin. 2 ] 

Noble Cosen, 

I have with much desire expected to receve some good 
tydings, such as I might present as good testemonies of the 
promise I made at Wingham when you were pleased to heape 
your loveing favours upon me. This day being the great 
feast of All saincts and begining of Christmas, my good frend 
Mr. Musenden, who hath ben fortunate in presenting good 
newes to the king, brought certayne intelligence that all those 
Rumors of Wallestane’s victories were vayne and forged by 
those that would incourage a constant tye from the English 
Catholikes to the private assistance of the emperiall warr. 

The King of Sweden is now as absolute a Conqueror as 
ever he was and in Moravia doth mightyly advance his 
designe. The worst that Wallensten doth is some petty 

1 Camb. Mod. Hist. y vol. iii. pp. 220, 221. 2 i&., p. 203. 



damages in Silecia which, if the Duke of Saxony do not oppose, 
his to much ease and drink will render him mighty guilty. 
The Marques Hamelton being returned gave assurance to the 
king that all these Papisticall speches of advancing the actions 
of Wallestyne were discrepant to the grounds and proceeds 
of the King of Sweden, which very well accords with these 
latter tydines. Surely if the Emperor do dy of any sicknes it 
will make a sudden alteration by the new election of an other 
Emperor, which if the Electors hurt themselves in, let them 
never complayne, haveing had so Royall Testymony of the 
King of Sweden’s goodnes. 

Noble Cosen I have som petitions to make to you before 
I close up my Letter. First to present my best affections and 
service to my Lady Oxenden, next That you will give me a 
release of errors and do me the honor to beleve that among 
the Number of those whom you have obliged by your 
Curtesey there is noane more intentyve to obey your Com- 
mands then 

Your truly affectionate Cosen 
to serve you 

Jo Philipott Somersett 

1 October 1632 



[MS. 27,999, f. 168] 

Worthy Cozin, 

Callinge to remembrance your many curtisies which 
I soe often times have received from you and I not knowinge 
how to requite the lest of them [MS. torn] it makes mee 
new to greave and lament for my former follies, and nowe 
[wish] that I were to begin the woorlde agayne, not that I 
dooe any wayes dislike this coorse which I have now taken 
but that I myth give summe sattisfacktion to my frendes for 
my former extravigant coorses ; but since it is to late and the 
time far wasted and I have allredy thrust myself into the 



handes of Fortune, hoping that it will deele favorably with 
mee [MS. torn] I desire that my frendes will forget and for- 
give all the thingis that ar past and bee but now my pilate, 
and once more steere my course to the banke of good fortune ; 
and if ever heere after I dooe fale away from that which I have 
[promised] then let mee bee put soe far oute of mynd that 
never after to dooe so much as mension mee, but let mee bee 
as if I had never bin ; but yow ar only [MS. torn] I dooe 
invest my hole trust in. Consarning my maintenance heere, 
for I have all wayes founde you a man of your woorde, I 
must confes that I doe live uppone the states menes but very 
basly and poorly, and it will not [MS. torn] only a disparage- 
ment to mee but to my frendes hereby, for my ant 1 sayes that 
I shall disgrace her, therfor good Cosen doe so much allsoe in 
my beehalfe, for I am in want of shirtes and a gray hatt [MS. 
tom] as yett I have nether ; pray lett mee intrete you to doe 
mee that curtisy that if you can possible to send mee my 
seles that I have many times spake to you aboute when I was 
in London, and if yow plese but to take the paynes to write to 
or three lines unto mee and inclose it in your Letter, and you 
may give the Letter to my unkle proude, for hee will bee in 
London aboute three weekes after Crismas ; thus intretinge 
you to remember my duty to my mother, my sarvis to my 
unkle Oxinden and my Ant and to my Cozen Elizabeth 
Oxinden, 2, and my duty and sarvis to my [MS. torn] Barrowe 
and my best respackted sarvis to your selfe 
Your obliged servaunt 

Richard Oxinden 

From our garrison at 
Arnam in gildarland this 
14 th of December 1631 

My Cozen Sanders dooth Remember his sarvis unto you 
and dooth intrete you to sende this Letter to his fathar. 

1 Mrs. Proud had now apparently joined her husband at the seat of war. 

2 Evidently a mistake for Elizabeth Dallison ; she married November 
22nd 1631. 





[MS. 27,999, f * i6 9] 

Sic ubi fata vocant udis abjectus in herbis 

Ad vada Maeandri concinit albus olor. 

Soe let me (Loving Brother) udis lachrymarum undis 
abiectus, sacrifice these my last lines unto you, how disas- 
terous they will bee to your acceptance I know not; this I am 
sure they cannot bee more greife to you to reade them then to 
mee to write, and were not my fortunes call’d in question I 
would not soe farre passe the bounds of modesty as to be soe 
urgent with you. But seing that Necessitas non habet legem, 
let it bee lawfull for mee at this time to use those words which 
before I thought unlawfull ; and I am perswaded that you 
could not think them soe if that you would but beleive what 
a streight I am brought into by wanting of that money which 
I writ before to you ; whoe by this storme have allmost made 
shipwrack of all my foure yeares’ hopes. And if you doe not 
at this time with a more gentle winde blow more favorable 
uppon mee, I looke not but to bee for ever to be drownde in 
the sea of dispaire, being allready allmost oute of hope to 
repaire that which I have lost by your delaying ; and surely if 
you had but knowne how much it did stande uppon yours 
and mine one credit, you could have beene more carefull to 
supply my wants, and did you but weigh into what misery I 
am like to bee brought into I doe not doubt but you would bee 
ready to healpe mee. I received the 7 11 which you sent mee 
and you writ to mee that you thought it would cost mee but 
five pounds to commence, but I protest unto you that others, 
yea the poorest of all, have allmost disburst that beefore they 
come to sit in the towne, which will cost above 3 11 more 
besides there gowns; you may easily then perceive how 
chargible it is to take a degree. And if it cost others soe 
much, you may perceive how much it will stande mee in, 
whoe for want of that am forct to be in the Towne, by reason 
I am not willing to trouble you to come in the cuntry — 
f 81 


whereas if I had beene supplide beefore I might have beene 
out before. I desire you therefore to send mee io 11 for I 
protest unto you that I cannot have my degree under, for it 
will cost mee more now then if I had sit for it before. And if 
you will not send it mee out of your one will, I pray send it 
mee out of that small pension which was left mee by my 
Father. I shall bee very willing to receive soe much the less 
then and I am sure it will doe mee more pleasure now. But 
now me thinks I heare it againe reverberated Te invenisse 
alium si te fastidit Alaxis. But if necessity will cause you to 
think that I disdaine you, I shall never think that ever you 
loved mee truly but made choice of another long before. I 
intreate you therefore not to harboure any such thought 
[MS. torn] brest but as you have often sd. before that you 
would [be more] like a Father to mee then a Brother, I pray 
[MS. torn] appeare, for then is freindship to be tride [MS. 
torn] apparent when a man is in necessity. You writ to mee 
the last time that you would not have mee come home by any 
meanes, for it would bee such a greate greife to my Mother ; 
farr bee it from you to think that I would wenter home 
against any of your wills, least I have worse success then my 
Brother, whoe as farr as I can heare hath better entertaine- 
ment abroade, and for mine one part I had rather make a 
forraine country my home then come to you to displease you 
and be a greife to soe carefull a Mother. But why do I use 
soe many words when as necessity compells mee to bee short ; 
and why doe I interrupt you with soe many lines when as 
Senica saith cum amicis litteras breves amicitias longas 
habeto ; therefore desiring you like a good Physician not to 
let mee to long to languish in this malady, like another 
Neptune restore peace to my troubled minde. 

Restituas pacem pelago exloque nitorem 
Spemque animumque mihi speque animoque destituto 
Sic tibi sacrifico peragam solennia ritu 
Appendens adytis debita vota tuis. 

From Cambridg this 14 th of Jan: 1632 




Sept. 17. My Brother James went to Cambridge and 

let him have with him 6 

Sent him in Novemb. by Shepheard (which he pro- 
mis’d to repay) 2 

Dec. 18. Sent him by Shepheard 5 5 

Mar. 7. Sent him by Shepheard 5 

Ap. 28. Sent him (which hee promised to repay) 2 
Jun. 13. Sent him 5 

25 5 

Aug . 2: 

James Oxinden 
Januarie 19th 1632 

Received by mee Thomas Dickenson, Cambridge Carrier 
for Kent, of Mr. Henrie Oxinden for the use of Mr. James 
Oxinden of St. Johns Colledge in Cambridge, Student, the 
summe of ten pounds, I say Rc the day and yeare above 

io 11 

By mee Tho: Dickenson 


PART III. 1632-1637 


The Letter-writers (in italic) and their circle. Part III intro- 
duces : 

More Members of the Oxinden Family — 

At Deane 

Henry (b. 1614), eldest son of Sir James Oxinden : (described 
throughout as Henry Oxinden of Deane to distinguish him 
from his cousin and “ other self ”, Henry of Barham). 

Elizabeth (b. 1610), da. of Sir James Oxinden, wife of William, 
eldest son of Sir Maximilian Dallison, of Hailing ; (living at 
Deane Manor with her parents and her young children). 

James, son of Sir James Oxinden, (b. 1615), fell in a duel with 
Jerome Manwood, February 1637/8. 

At Maydekin 

Brothers and sisters of Henry of Barham : 

Katherine (b. 1610), elder da. of the late Richard Oxinden, 
m. July 24th, 1636, 

Thomas Barrow , draper, of Cheapside (cf. Letter XCIII). 

Elizabeth, “ Bess ”, (b. 1616), younger da. of the same. 

Adam (b. 1622), youngest son of the same, apprenticed in London, 
to Mr. Brooks, mere. 

The Sprakelings 

Henry Saunders , son of Francis Saunders of Monkton and 
Frances (Sprakeling). 

Henry Johnson , son of John Johnson of Nethercourt, Thanet, and 
Judith (Sprakeling). 

The Peytons of Knowlton 

'Mary, Lady Peyton , da. and co-heiress of Sir Roger Aston, Kt., 
Gentleman of the Bedchamber to James I ; widow since 
1610, of Sir Samuel Peyton, Kt. and Bart. 


oxinden’s married life 

Anne (Anna), her eldest da., b. May 26th, 1612, m. St. John’s 
day, 1632, Henry Oxinden of Barham. 

Sir Thomas Peyton , her eldest son, b. Aug. 18th, 1613. 

Margaret, her youngest da., m. James Kent of Chartham, Feb. 

22nd, 1635 (“ my sister Kent ”) {cf. Letter CXIII). 

Her younger sons, Samuel and Edward , a student at Wadham 
College, Oxford. 

Ann, sister of Sir Samuel Peyton, m. Mr. Thomas Hales of 
Bekesbourne, near Canterbury (" our friendly Aunt,” 
cf \ Letter LXXII) ; their sons, Charles and Robert, are 

Some Kentish Gentlemen 
Sir Peter Hey man of Sellinge. 

Sir Basil Dixwell of Brome. 

Sir James Hales of Dungeon Manor, Canterbury. 

The Rector of Denton, John Swan (in succession to Dr. Francis 

At Oxford 

Sir Nathaniel Brent , Warden of Merton College. 

At Cambridge 

Henry Fallowfeildj Tutor of St. John’s College. 


Part III (Letters LXX-CXIXa) opens with the marriage of 
Henry Oxinden of Barham to Anne Peyton, and the consequent 
family letters of congratulation and good advice (Letters LXX- 
LXXIV). James and Richard, still unsettled and constantly 
impecunious — the latter being in debt to his aunt, Mrs. Mary 
Proud (Letters CII-CV) — are a source of anxiety to their widowed 
mother and elder brother, while the career of Adam, youngest 
of the family, is now beginning in London (Letters C, CXI, 
CXII). Henry puts down his hawks and takes to hunting with 
spaniels, in which innovation his neighbours are interested 
(Letters LXXXVI, LXXXVII). He discusses his claim to a 
faculty pew in Barham Church and is advised by Sir Nathaniel 
Brent (Letters CVII-CIX). 

Mrs. Katherine Oxinden divides her time between her brick 
house in Denton and the Sign of the Maydenhead, her new son-in- 
law, Thomas Barrow’s home and place of business in Cheapside, 
where, however, she sometimes feels neglected (Letter C et seq.). 

8 S 


Sir Thomas Peyton, Henry of Barham’s lively brother-in-law, 
makes an irreverent entrance (Letter LXXII) and expounds his 
philosophy of marriage (Letter LXXXVIII). 

Henry Oxinden of Deane is courting his first wife, Mary Baker 
of London ( cf . Letter XCI), and seeks the sympathy of his 
“ Jonathan ”, his cousin Henry of Barham. 

The kindly Sir James keeps an eye on all the family interests, 
especially upon his nephew’s property (Letter XCII, etc.). 

His wife, Margaret, Lady Oxinden, advises in her niece’s 
sickness (Letter CXVI). 

Sir Basil Dixwell of Terlingham is engaged in creating his new 
estate of Broome Park which adjoins the Maydekin fields, and 
Henry Oxinden negotiates for a share (Letter LXXXI). 



[MS. 27,999, f. 170] 

[Henry Oxinden of Barham and Anne Peyton were married at 
Bekesbourne, on St. John’s Day (Dec. 24th O.S.), 1632] 

Lovinge Cosine, 

I have beene an 111 steward for your monie, yet about 
xxixs I lent it out ; the band you shall rec. when I next 
meete with you, beinge sorie I mist you at your beinge last 
at my house. Having so certeyne a messenger I could not 
but congratulate your happie marriage, hopinge at our next 
meetinge to receave so much assurance thereof as a payer of 
Gloves, although I weare not at the sole invithacon thereof, 
and thus hopinge your likings will continue ever without 
dislike, with my hartie commendations to my unknowne 
cosine, as also to my good cosines your mother, brother and 
sisters, in hast I rest 

Your ever lovinge cosine 

Henr: Saunders 

Canterburie this z\th 
ofjanu. 1632 


1632] oxinden’ s married life 



[MS. 27,999, f. 171] 

[A note to this letter in Henry Oxinden’s writing says : “ This 
letter was written by the Lady Mary Peyton, wife of Sir Samuel 
Peyton of Knolton,Kt. and Baronet, to Anna, her eldest daughter.”] 

Doughter Oxinden, 

Which title I must now give you, your brother hath 
so weall satisfied me in your match that I wish you much joy 
and hapines, and withall be carful that, whatsoever you doe, 
to love honer and obey your housband in all things that is 
fitting for a resonable creture. [I] will desir nothing that is 
unresonable, you know what I have sufferd yet God hath 
delivered] mee out of it, though with infinit afliction for 
the time. I have had so [much] spech with your brother 
conserning your father’s wille and your portion, which he 
would not beleeve till I showed him the will, he is now con- 
firmed in it and says you shall have your dewe as soune as he 
can ; be sur of this you shall have it, though you stay som 
tim for it, in the meantime let no respect be wanting to your 
housband and his mother, with the rest of his frends, in this 
you shall gain yourself a good reput and shew yourself a 
vertuous wife whoes pris is not to be valued ; as for the 
bisines you writ to me about, I am ashamed I cannot doe it 
for you, my housband siems to give me pour [power] 
though I have no pour, he hath been so ill a housband of lat 
that I never was so put to it to bring the wourld about as 
now I am, besids he 1 is to pay a gret deale of mony this next 
terme, wher he will have it I know not ; only this I am sur 
he will suffer ; his father delt most unworthylie with us, 
which in[forces] me to doe what I would not. 

I think to be at London this next terme, wher I shalbe glad 
to meete you, if not I desier to see you hier. Your brother 
houmfery remembers his service to you. So with my 
prayers to God to bless you, I rest as ever 

Your asured loving mother 

February the 19 th 1632 Mary Peyton 

1 1.e. her son, Sir Thomas Peyton. 





[MS. 27,999, f. 172] 

[On their father, Sir Samuel Peyton’s death, the young Peytons 
were left in the guardianship of their uncle by marriage, Mr. 
Thomas Hales. This may perhaps have been one of Lady 
Peyton’s grievances against her husband . In the marriage register 
Anne Peyton is described as “ now under the government of 
Thomas Hales of Bekesbourne Esq., who consents.”] 

Deare Sister, 

To tell you all passages happening at our arrival here 
would be more tedious then the story of Virginia’s plantation. 
I will only recite some particulars from which as skilfull 
Symmetrians will proportionate the whole Lyon upon the 
sight of his claw, soe you may gather probabilities of an un- 
quiet sequell. It seemes our retume was nott expected these 
10 weekes, therein fulfilling a whole Quarter of a yeare, which 
I much merveile at, since here io day es’ visitation is enough 
to make a foe of the best freind liveing. And as our Cousin 
Charles lately sayd, our absence did promise great tran- 
quillity of mind to our freindly Aunt, soe at our retume her 
sorrow was as aboundant. Rachel mourned for her children 
because they were nott ; this Rachel hath for us because we 
are ; and surely Job’s greife for the losse of his whole brood 
could not paralel the disquieted mind of this Epitome of 
sinne, faynting at mee as at the sight of a Basilisk because I 
and my man Foxe are come to eate up her greene-geese. Our 
solitary young Catt looked upon mee when I came in as if I 
had beene a mouse, even ready to eate mee up, for stealing 
her deare Companion and Cousin Pusse, the same which 
you have : I pray use her well, and when shee’s well growne 
our Catt will invite her over to a warme mouse. My sisters 
(poore Soules) they live here, it may bee as your catt doth 
amongst the dogges, in a pittyfull feare. My Aunt they love 
and respect as the Indians doe the Divell, that shee might 
doe them noe hurt, for noe other end. For my part I wish 


1633 ] oxinden’s married life 

shee would butt winke an houre in iest, I’de helpe to putt her 
in her grave in earnest. These lines have there Origin all 
from the Serpentine dispo[si]tion of her who makes mee the 
marke for all her venemous arrows to be directed at ; lam the 
subiect of her vile discourse, the obiect of her petulant 
laughter and sleeve derisions, and therefore wonder nott at 
what I write, had it beene ten times worse. Butt nott to 
make you misemploy the time any longer in the reading of my 
polluted lines, polluted I say, by the only mention of our 
mischeife-plotting Aunt ; I will conclude with this sub- 
scription (as I have ever done) that I am still 
Your assured loving brother 

Thom: Peyton 

Beakesborne , May 12th , 1633 

This weeke a great part of our family trots towards 
Gravesend for London, from thence the voyage holds to the 
bath, from whence there returne will be about midsummers. 

My uncle Peryente we heare is dead. 

Remember mee to Mrs. Oxenden and to Mrs. Kath: and 
Eliz: You might nott forgett me to my brother Oxinden, 
your husband. 



[MS. 27,999, f * * 73 ] 

[This letter introduces Henry Oxinden of Deane, eldest son of 
Sir James Oxinden and afterwards (1678) the first Baronet. At 
this time he was a young man of nineteen, and may either have 
been travelling for his education or serving with the army abroad : 
Sedan from which he writes was the capital of the Duchy of 
Bouillon and a centre of activity during the Thirty Years’. War. 
Later on Henry Oxinden was engaged in business of some kind in 
London with his father ( cf . Letters CCXXXVII, etc.). He 
may have been a barrister but his name has not at present been 
identified in any of the Inns of Court : he was neither a member 
of Gray’s Inn like his cousin Henry of Barham, nor of the Middle 
Temple like Sir James Oxinden.] 


Good Cozen, 

I confesse to have received a letter from you long 
since wherein your kind love proferd and solid consell given 
is kindly embrac’d and diligently striv’d to follow. Yet I 
desire you that you would not take ill this my long silence, my 
capacitie being altogether insufficient to answere you accord- 
ing to that Stile, which hath caused this lettslip. But yett 
I resolv’d to writt these lines least you should thinke that I 
slight your good consell, and that if I should lett slip this 
oportunity it would demonstrate ingratitude, though your 
desert and my love bindes me to performe more service then 
consisteth in the writting of a few freindly and unpolished 
lines. I participat greatly in your joy in that you are so well 
marred (sic). Pray present my love and service to my aunt 
and my cosin your wife, and to the rest of my cosins. So with 
my best love and service presented to your selfe. I leave you 
to Heaven’s protections and remayne for ever 

Your affectionat loving cozen 

Hen: Oxinden 

Sedan the 25th 
of May 1633 



[MS. 27,999, f. 176] 

Nephew Oxinden, 

I am very sorry that I was not at home when my 
neice and yourselfe were at my house yesterday, that I might 
then have invited you by word of mouth that now must do it 
by writing ; the truth is had I bin the invitor this had not bin 
to do at this time, but except only those in our owne parish, 
I’le assure you the bridegroome inviteth all, yet now I will 
make bould to intrude on his office and earnestly entreate 
that my sister, my neice and yourselfe, tomorrowe, beinge 
Thursday, wilbe pleased to dine with us, where tho your 
cheere may be shorte, yet upon my worde you shalbe sure 


1633 ] oxinden’s married life 

to finde a hartly and large welcome, to whome I pray com- 
mend the best respects of 

Your affectionate uncle 

James Oxinden 

From Deane this 
17th July 1633 



MS. 27,999, f. 183] 

[Thomas, eldest son of Henry and Anne Oxinden was born at 
May dekin, February nth, 1633.] 

Good Brother, 

Your invitation of my Cozen Robert Hales and myself 
to the Christning of your young son hath obliged us to you 
both, my sister and yourself ; and I hope you will pardon us 
if our absence pleade us immodest in the deniall of your re- 
quest ; for my owne part, as farre as my slender posse will 
extend itself, you shall not accuse my welle [velle], either 
being correspondent to the other and both to you : but 
having so good a plea as the distance of the place, or the 
inconvenience which may arrive by the making of a journey 
for so small an abode as a day or two, I shall desire to be 
excused. Thus after my love to yourself and my sister, wish- 
ing you the accomplishment of your desires, 

I rest 

Your loving brother 

Sam: Peyton 

London Feb: 20. 1633 

I intreate you to excuse what time hath made imperfect, 
the expression of service and love which your courtesies 
extended to mee doe claime as their due ; a future occasion 
and opportunity shall make amends for the present. 



[MS. 27,999, f * i8 7 ] 


I wold have you com too mee too nigth or tomorrow 
be times for i heare by your ante proude that James is com 
to Lundon too Dick, whether hee mene to go over or no i 
know not hee sent to Keate 1 for 30s which hee saide hee will 
paie in agust be case hee saies you will send hem none an 
becase i knowe not whether he had resented youres or no, 
writing pervestly to her for it I bid her send it hem. She 
haveng writ her letter an all reddi a letter came from your 
ant proude that som spidie cores mith bee taken for which 
cores i wold faine speake with you for i wold not have you 
goe to Lundon. This in hast not knowing well what i have 
writ. But when you com i will tel you, pray do not defer 
time. This with my love to yourselfe an my dafter 
I res.t 

Your loveing mother 

Kathern Oxinden 

May 23 1634 



[MS. 27,999, f - l8 8] 

Most Loving Brother, 

I receiving my Mother’s letter, though indeede that 
needed not for my accusation in writing so peromtorily unto 
you, for myself after serious consultation is a sufficient iudg 
to condemn mee of my folly, of which I am now (O si 
prseteritos revocet mihi Jupiter annos) hartilie (i feare to late) 
sorie for it : my necessitie I confess was very urgent, and it 
was it seemes the carriar’s fault to detain it from mee soe long, 
which hath (i feare) incurred your more sevearer displeasure. 

1 His sister, Katherine Oxinden. 


1634] oxinden’s married life 

But I hope your better iudgment weighing how prowne 
youth is uppon the smallest occasion to interpret the worst, 
you will pardon this crime, which if teares can expiat, 
Perlegis et lachrymas finge videre meas. T’is true I have 
scarse that mask of Impudence (having so grosslie offended 
you) as to seeme to excuse my fault, being soe great, untill I 
considder the tendemes of your nature, which is soe apt to 
forgive ; I with confidence here unlock myselfe unto you, 
desiring once more to bee ingrafted into your favour, which 
if I shall obtain I shall pose Arethmatick in giving thanks unto 
you and shall think you the sole Brother of humanity. My 
request unto you is that you would send mee my Quarteridge: 
for I must needes make mee a sute of Clothes before the com- 
mencement. I think it doth not want above a weeke of a 
Quarter since I had my last Quarteridg. I received it the 
1 2th of March and now it is the 27th of may. I am sure by 
that time I shall receive it the time will bee full expird. In 
the meane time I doubt not of your Brotherly care and your 
indulgent affection toward mee, which as it hath allways 
beene soe, it will now bee reddy to healp mee in my necessity . 
I know that my Brothers’ urgent occasions hath allmost 
suckt you dry of money and therefore I would not, were I not 
forct, trouble you, but I hope you will pardon mee at this 
time, desiring to bee remembred both to you and your loving 
Bedfellow I reste 

Your loving Brother 

James Oxinden 

From Cam: May the 2.7th 



[MS. 27,999, f. 192] 

[Sir Peter Heyman of Sellinge, son of Henry Heyman of bomer- 
field and Rebecca, da. of Robert Horne, Bishop of Winchester, 
served three times in Parliament as Member for Hythe and Dover. 
He married 1st, Sarah Collet of London ; and, Mary Wolley of 



London ; d. 1640, bu. St. Alphege Church, Canterbury. 1 The 
widowed Mrs. Katherine Oxinden appears to have been at this 
time a tenant of Sir Peter’s ; as we shall learn she was constantly 
moving about and gave her son Henry anxiety by her restless 

Nobull Sur, 

I desire that you will doo mee the favefor to let me 
have a Chamber more for a time too lay a sick boddi in if i 
shold have ani visited with the smale poxe for it tis so rife 
that I looke everi day when one of us shale have it an if it be 
Godes plesure that it must bee so I wolde faine take the 
likeliest corse to keepe the soune from the infachded which I 
can by no menes doo But by your nobull cortisi for it tis at 
Broufes and wee fech water an bake together an when wee 
whash we have noe remidie but too come together if they 
will intrud them selfes in to the kichen which roome if it bee 
your plesure i desire too have to my selfe for this time it can 
be no hinderrance to Broufe nether do i thinke hee wolde 
denie mee if i sholde aske him but they bee so puckly 
[quickly] angri an there mines so changable that i am loth in 
so wateri a bissines to wenter the uttering of there mines 
this with my best respaxe to your kine selfe an ladi i rest 
your frende to doo you servis 

Kathrin Oxinden 

Aug. 3. 1634 



[MS. 27,999, f. 192] 

Good Mrs. Oxinden, 

You may be pleased to take any chamber that lyes 
fitting for you, for this present use and till I have farther 

As for the kitchen, I am well content to pleasure you with 
it till myne use therof require it otherwise ; I pray let Bruff 

1 Hasted iii, p. 448. 


1634] oxinden’s married life 

know so much and thus, with my love unto you I rest your 
frend to serve you 

Pet: Heyman 

4 Agust 1634 



[MS. 27,999, f. 195] 

Loving Brother, 

I may, and that justly, think humanity to have beene 
exil’d or have beene devorct from all hearts were shee not 
lodged in yours, whom excluding all others I may call the 
sole borne sonne of humanity, whose curtisie swift winged 
time, having lost soe many feathers, is to poore to furnish me 
with dayes enough to express my service unto you and 
Arethmatick is to poore to multiplie thanks enough for your 
former curtesies. But to omit the idle heaping up of words 
which arre to frivilous to trouble your more serious occasions, 
as in all things I desire to satissfie your desires, soe I am 
desirous to acquaint you with my acourrants in Cambridg ; 
my Scholler’s place (though with great difficulty) I doe re- 
tain, by reason some envious people, more for envy then 
any hopes to obtaine it, would needes attempt it, but the 
master of our Colleidg 1 and some other of my freinds, 
accepting my excuses, would not deprive mee of it. My 
Chamber I have lost and can not heare of Mr. Bletchinden, 
and therefore I desire you if possible you can to send mee 
my Quarteridg to bee heere the 10th of December because 
wanting of it I can not furnish myself, but time will not suffer 
mee to be to long and therefore remembring my self unto 
you, hoping that you are in good health 

I rest your ever loving Brother 

James Oxinden 

From Cam. November the nth 


1 Dr. William Beale. 





[MS. 27,999, ff. 201 and 202] 

[When Sir Basil Dixwell of Terlingham, near Folkestone, set to 
work to build up his new estate in the lovely valley and along the 
hills between Barham and Denton, he secured in the first place 
some 381 acres originally belonging to Sir Dudley Digges which 
formed the Manor of Broome. Next he added 130 acres, together 
with a farmhouse and outbuildings, purchased from John Lush- 
ington, a yeoman of Stelling, whose family had farmed in the 
neighbourhood for several generations . This addition consisted of 
fourteen several pieces, upon some of which Henry Oxinden had 
set his affection, and for which he had begun to negotiate with 
Lushington before the wealthier Sir Basil appeared on the scene. 
In the Dean and Chapter Library two handsome parchment 
scrolls, each bearing a stout red seal, are preserved, dated the one 
October 7th, the other October 24th, in the year following the 
date of Henry’s letter, 1636. They make plain the reason of his 
importunity. His Naboth’s vineyard included, under the name 
“ Medkins ”, several parcels chiefly of arable land, amounting in 
all to some 19 acres, which abutted on his own house and grounds 
and had probably once formed part of the Maydekin estate. 
“ Medkins ” lay also adjacent to “ Maers ”, some land of much 
the same acreage which he was prepared to exchange with Sir 
Basil. On three sides Maers bordered on Kelldane, Whitehill 
and other property now absorbed into Broome, and it cut awk- 
wardly into Sir Basil’s ring fence. The parchments prove that 
Henry Oxinden’s caustic pen triumphed. Medkins became his, 
by fair exchange for Maers, together with a “ Hempel spott ” of a 
yard in extent, a bit of woodland bordering on Sir Basil’s copses 
called Waldersheare, and the right of passage from the highway for 
every sort of conveyance, through “ a little slipp of land called 
Horseleeze ” hitherto belonging to Maydekin.] 

Noble Sir, 

How much I shalbe bound unto you I am confident 
that the performance of your promise (by mee neither 
doubted nor forgotten) will give mee ample cause to express. 
In confidence whereof I request that you will let mee have 
such a quantity of the lands heretofore Lushintons now yours 



From a portrait attributed to William Dobson, in the possession of Galenes 
S. Hartveld, Antwerp. 

Photographer, Medici Society. 

1635] oxinden’s married life 

as is most convenient for mee ; and that is the place, orchard 
and pasturefeild thereunto adioining, part of a feild called 
Medkin, the little greene cloase above it, with the two sawen 
feilds, being about 13 acres reaching to Waldercheire wood. 
And that this my request is not unreasonable I doubt not but 
your self will thinke if you call to mind the passages that were 
betwixt your self and mee before you purchased the lands 
aforesaid. But because it is the nature of all of us men to bee 
purblind in our owne cases and to bee forgetfull of our owne 
words if they bee repugnant to our owne present wills and 
desires, give mee leave to put you in mind of them, as likewise 
how the case stood at the first between yourselfe and mee ; 
and it did thus. I meeting with Lushinton not long before 
the sale of his land offered him monies for parcell thereof, he 
answeared that if hee sold one part hee would sell all ; wher- 
uppon (to be short, for I will relate the matter unto you with 
as much brevity as it will give me leave) I asked him what he 
would take for the whole purchase, hee answeared 1400 11 . I 
offered him 1200 11 , wee not agreing parted for that time. The 
next time I mett him I asked him againe what hee would take, 
hee answeared then not under 1 500 11 . I offered him 1300 11 , he 
answeared mee, noe ; hee would not take lesse then 1500 11 
and that hee had rather exchange his land with mee for part 
of a Farme I had at Gatehurst then sell it out and out ; in 
conclusion wee parted and made noe agreement. After this 
I considering with myself that it would somewhat advantage 
mee if I gott the forsaking 1 of the land aforesaid for some 
reasonable time, I rid over to him to his house ; hee promised 
mee before his brother Abbot and good man Anslow of 
Kingston that whatsoever any man would offer him, I should 
at that price have the forsaking thereof for a quarter of a 
yeare : having obteined my desire I sent you word how that 
I knew a matter that did somewhat concerne you and if so 
bee you would ask mee of it I would relate it unto you ; you 
came to my house, where I told you how that Lushinton had 
promised mee the forsaking of his lands, how that if I bought 

1 Refusal. 




them you should have what part thereof lay most convenient 
for you ; requesting withall that if you bought them you 
would doe mee the like curtesy. You promised it, onlie 
putting in this quaere, how we should agree about the house ? 
My answeare unto you was, that you was a builder, and I had 
some occasione to build, and that wee might take it downe 
and you have the one part, I the other ; you were contented 
with it, and afterward lovingly you parted. Not long after 
you bought the whole Farme, the newes whereof coming unto 
my eares was exceeding welcome, for I built such a strong 
confidence uppon the foundation of your promise that I did 
as verily as anie article of my faith beleive that whatsoever 
land lay most conveniently for mee was mine owne ; such 
was my beleife, soe great was the confidence I had in that 
man whom the world so much extolled for being iust, faithfull 
and honest in his word and dealings. Neither as yet will I 
be induced to beleive (till I find) to the contrary. For far it 
is from mee to thinke that faith, iustice and honesty are 
ornaments only in fashion amongst private men, holding that 
the greater and richer a man is the more he is bound to excell 
in them. Ther is a saying Quod differtur non aufertur, so 
though you have as yet differred the conveiance of those lands 
I have for valuable consideration requested of you, I doe not 
therfore conclude, nor thinke, I shall not have them ; I 
only put you in minde of the performance of what I cannot 
but suppose you have alwaies intended ; for you told me 
before you went last to london that you so intended to deale 
with mee ; which obligation of yours hath soe far ingaged 
mee as to cause mee to be willing, uppon such reasonable 
termes as shall bee thought fitting, to lett you have that part 
of mine inheritance as shall best accommodate you, being 
parcell of a feild called Maers, and that of about 15 acres ; 
and that fifteene acres of the best land I have j neither can 
I, or may I, uppon any other tearmes ever part with one foot 
ther of. I thank god if occasion shall serve I have according 
to the proverb more nailes to drive then one, and such as are 
farre fitter then that. And if so bee it shall chance contrary 

1635] oxinden’s married life 

to my expectation so to happen that I shall have none of those 
landes promised unto mee, I must then rest myself contented 
with mine owne, uppon which I shall receive one greater 
benefit then on any of the lands I should have of you, and that 
is the prospect of that superlative house of yours which is 
now a building, whose rare fabrick and unparalleld beauty 
cannot chuse but affourd an infinite delight unto mee, 
especially when I shall behold it without controlment at so 
neere a distance ; who would not value at a high rate the 
equall fruition of so beautifull an object as will cost an un- 
expected number of thousands, what man is hee that would 
part with such a pleasure without especiall cause and valuable 
consideration moving him thereunto ? Certainly I think 
none ! wherfore excuse mee if I will not part with soe great 
a convenience except I shall have iust causes, which iust 
causes I shall thinke to bee noe other than to accommodate 
you and to have that land which is now requested by mee and 
was hertofore inclusively promised by you. I say inclusively 
for you told mee that I should have what lay most convenient 
for mee, and as I said before, did your owne selfe make a 
motion interrogative wise how we should agree about the 
house ? Whereby any man may conceive that your intention 
was then that I should have it : I say your intention, for I 
will not as yet soe much as thinke that you spoke that which 
you never intended ; though I am not ignorant that it is the 
custome of some men who are accounted worldly wise soe to 
doe, of whom it is said Filii huius saeculi sunt prudentiores 
filiis lucis in generatione Me. These kind of men have allwaies 
honest and faire pretences semblable to the world and such 
perticular persons as they have to deale withall, but their 
reserved meanings and reaches are thereby to over reach 
honest and plaine dealing men ; these are such as evermore 
tume their countenances toward such as they have anything 
to doe with (as if they ment them as well as themselves) but 
their mind to their own particular advantage, making neither 
reckoning of friendship or honesty where they find opportunity 
to deceive. Yet notwithstanding they would faine seeme to 



bee honest, and by a hypocriticall shew and faire outside may 
induce many shallow braine people, which have had no triall 
of them, to think them soe ; but men of an indifferent 
capacity, when they shall once come to have any experience 
of them, will easilie find what they are, ney though their 
close intentions be like deepe water, a man that hath under- 
standing will draw it out (Pro: 20, v: 5). Wherfore they that 
deale uniustly, and by setting counterfeit colours on uniust 
actions, to the intent to make them seeme the more faire, and 
to dazell the eies of the world, will at the last find that their 
colours are not of proofe, but will fade to their owne disgrace 
and shame. Let these kind of men be never so sly in their 
deceipts, and flatter themselves never so much that they do 
them soe neatly that men discry them not ; they are mistaken, 
they that use them monstrantur digito ; they are knowne 
well enough. Few men are so simple but can tell when they 
are deceived and over reached, let the deceiver bee as cun- 
ning and subtile as he can to persuade to the contrary. 
Wherfore in my opinion, the greatest policie is to be an honest 
man, to doe to all men as wee would they should doe to us, 
to deale iustly and plainly without any equivocations or 
reservations in our words, and soe I persuade myselfe you did 
with mee in our agreement before you purchased the lands 
which are now the occasion of this my writing unto you . You 
have now the law in your owne hands and may therefore doe 
as you please. However remember to deale iustly and that 
really and not in show only, for Nisi abundaverit iustitia 
vestra plus quam Scribarum et Pharisaeorum non introibis 
in regnum caelorum is the saying of our blessed Saviour. 1 
It is said of Demosthenes that he esteemed those men most 
praiseworthy who preferred dealing iustly before any kind 
of profit ; for said hee, any man might purchase riches, but 
the glorie of being iust was not to be bought with mony. 
Such was the iustice of Frederick the Emperour, that 
having the bringing up of Ladislaus, 2 King of Hungary and 

1 The Greek equivalent of Matt. v. 20 is given in the margin. 

8 Frederick III brought up his nephew Ladislaus V till the age of five years, 


1635] oxinden’s married life 

Bohemia, and being persuaded by some politick pates to 
put the said King to death, affirming that his life might after- 
wards affourd great molestation unto him, but his death 
kingdomes and riches, hee not only refused to follow their 
counsell but answeared in anger, that soe belike they would 
have him to bee a rich and potent King rather then a good and 
iust one. But I, said hee, prefer iustice and a good name 
before any earthly good whatsoever. Thousands of like 
examples could I reckon up, not only of Christians but of 
heathen men, whose iust dealings have eternized their 
memorialle to all ages, but I think it needlesse, seing I hold 
opinion that you neede noe example to move you thereunto ; 
neither I hope, shall I ever read of anie one whom I shal 
have greater cause to extoll for being iust in his dealings then 
yourselfe. I doubt not but you know the reward of soe 
doing. In memoria aeterna erit mstus, saith the Psalmist, and 
in another place, the Lord knoweth the daies of iust men and 
their inheritance shalbe perpetuall ; they shall not be con- 
founded in the perillous times and in the dayes of famine they 
shall have enough. Non proderunt divitiae in die ultionis : 
iustitia autem liberabit a morte, saith Solomon in his pro- 
verbs. Sunt iusti sapientes et opera earum in manu Dei, 
Ec: 9: Qui iusti habitabunt in terra et simplices permane- 
bunt in ea ; qui vero inique agunt auferentur ex ea. Pro: 2. 
Divers other places ther are in the scripture which promise 
not only a temporall but allso an everlasting reward to them 
that deale iustly, but if your owne good disposition, nor what 
I have allready said and alleiged will not bee sufficient to 
moove you thereunto, I despaire that either the tongue of 
men or Angels, ney I will say more of God himselfe (for I 
have alleidged his owne wordes) will be able to prevaile with 
you, and soe I rest 

Your loving Friend to command 

Henrie Oxinden 

March xxviii 




[MS. 27,999, f. 203] 

Loving Brother, 

I know not whether I shall more wonder or greive, 
viz. whether I should more wonder at your lettars’ long 
absence or greive at my soe long depravation of not hearing 
f[MS. torn] but that my often desires being frustrated have 
incorporated them into one and have made m[MS. torn] the 
very Eppitome of greife. My thoughts were never soe 
Gyant like as to bee repug[MS. torn] unto you whome I may 
call my Numen propitium : neither did my heart ever 
[MS. tom] the least Embrio of any discontent untill my 
shame (I am ashamed to speake it) [MS. tom] onely formed 
but brought forth. I know not into what Channell the 
streame of your [MS. torn] runs into, that my lettars can not 
bee soe fortunate as to arrive or harbour with you ; or what 
blast blowne by the nipping winds of infamous mouths have 
thus shipwrackt my lettars by casting them uppon the rock of 
your discontent : so that I may say of you as the Poet Cerno 
omnia te adversum spectantia nulla retrorsum ; unlesse your 
lettars be put out to use, and soe like money I can heare of 
it but once in half a yeare. But pardon mee (Deere Brother), 
whose words arre as miserable as himselfe, and whose dis- 
tracted thoughts have transformd him beyound himselfe. 
Meethinks my prayers might soe much worke with you when 
I writt unto you in such extreamity, but it seemes that you 
arre as farre from hearing as giving an answere : as if the 
many letters which I have writt unto you were more like a 
Chaterackt to make you Deaft then any incitement to stirre 
you upp unto compassion. I have heard say that you have 
often wisht that I had my money in my one hands, in which 
wish (though I thinke it not convenient in regard of my 
distrustfullness of my sellf) yet in some [MS. torn] I sympo- 
thize with you : in regard that I have beene putt to that 
e[MS. torn] of misery for want in the untimely recipt of it. 


1635] oxinden’s married life 

Wherefore I desire you send mee word one way or other 
what you will doe in it. If you knew my distresse you would 
[MS. torn] bee angry in being thus urgent, when as my creditt 
stands ingaged my [MS. torn] arre not soe provided. I pray 
you to send me [MS. defaced] which I will bee accountable 
unto you for, when we shall reckon together. Pray doe not 
delay to send it mee with all expedition may bee, thus not 
desiring to trouble you any longer, hearing I have troubled 
you to much heeretofore, remembring my ever obliged ser- 
visse [MS. tom] you, I rest 

Your ever loving brother 

James Oxinden 

From St. John's Colleidg in Camb. 

Aprill the 1st. 1635 

[Sent my broth]er James 5 11 10 s Apr. 10: 1635. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 205] 

[Henry Fallowfeild was admitted Westmoreland Fellow, April 9th, 
1633. Baker’s History of St. John's College , Cambridge , says that 
one of the charges brought against Dr. Lane, when there was a 
dispute about his election to the Mastership in 1633-4, was his 
“ ill-carriage of elections, in preferring some unworthy persons ”, 
amongst them being “ Sir Fallowfeild.” x ] 


Yow may justly doubt both of my honesty and care, 
being Tutor soe long to your brother and never yett account- 
able to yow either by bill of his expences or by letter of his 
carriage, it would much weaken and under value his discre- 
tion if I should ; for the first I am only ingag’d to the Coll, 
for his commons and sizing, of which I show him monthly a 
bill ; for the bed-maker, landresse and the rest of that rable 
I medle not at all ; for the second, he is now noe child, his 

1 P. 624. 



judgment mature and ripe and consequently not apt to be 

The monyes you last sent, after a more then Spanish 
inquisition maide, was heard of so shatterdly and by peace- 
meale payd him it did him litle or noe service. I gather by 
the carryer yow could wish to see him ; if soe yow intends I 
petition for him yow would furnish him with monyes 
whereby decently he might apparrell himselfe. I hope the 
petition will be granted because it soly and wholly aimes at 
your brother’s credditt and the credditt of his kindred and 
freinds : a Coll: goune will cover a multitude of falts which a 
Country coate will discover to the eye of the world, he is 
well enough cloathed for a poore scholler in St. Joh: Coll: but 
short of a Kentish gentleman. He is indebted to me 2 1 7 s 3 d 
of which my want of monyes, not feare of non-payment, bid 
me remember yow ; for monyes to apparell him lie not 
determine of the summe, but refere it and subscribe to your 
judgment, interlac’t with Brotherly love. Vale. 

Yours to love, respect, honour and serve you 

Henry Fallowfeild 

From my chamber in St. John's Coll. Aprill the 6 th 1635 


[MS. 27,999, f* 208] 

Lovinge Brother, 

My servis remembred into you, hopinge that you ar 
all in helth. I desire you to doe mee this curtysie, which I 
will never forget, as to lend me 3 1 , which I have greate neede 
of, or else I wolde not trouble you at this time ; if you will 
bee soe diserting as to deny mee, I protest that I know not how 
to goe over, 1 therfore as you tender my good and repetatyon 
fayle mee not and I will repay it agayne so soone as God shall 
inable me. I pray send mee an ansur of my letter by Sunday 
1 That is, to join the army in the Low Countries. 


1635] oxinden ’s married life 

nite, for on Munday morninge god willinge I will goe to 
Gravesende. I logge at the sine of Kweenes armes, close by 
Dokter Rogears, thus desiringe you not to fayle mee, with 
Tmy best Respackts remembred unto you 
I rest 

Your ever lovinge brother 

Richard Oxinden 

. From Canterbury this 20th of June 


Lent him this mony and sent it by Goodman Nethersole 
of Barham that day, viz. June 20. 


[MS. 27,999, f. 210] 

[The name of “ Edward Payton, F.C. ( = Fellow Commoner) ” 
appears in the Register of Wadham College, Oxford, in 1635 only. 
The presumption is “ that he only resided for the year 1635-6 or 
less, a not unusual occurrence in those days.”] 

Most honoured Sister, 

I am soe bold at this time as to present these rude lines 
to your faire hands and to offer them up at the alter of your 
clemency, knowing that you are filled with patience and 
pardon, patience to read them, thereof most unworthy, and 
pardon to forgive my former negligence. I confesse I have 
written unto you once or twice, but what's that in comparison 
of your desert, if I should doe nothing else but write unto you 
I could not doe to much for you : I have (most loving Sister) 
a long time expected a letter from you but I never received it, 
which maketh mee to thinke that my letters are not accepted 
of by you ; but I hope I shall heare from you the next returne 
of the carrier if it were but two or three words. I should bee 
two proud of them, comming from soe deare a Sister. To 
bee shorte. I pray you to remember my kind love to my 
Brother Oxinden : soe with my love to all the rest of our 



friends, I rest, promising alwaies to remaine as I am at this 

Your most affectionate Brother to commande 

Edward Peyton 

Wadd: Coll . the 27th of July 

1 635 



[MS. 27,999, f * 21 1] 

[Sir James Hales was a son of Cheyney Hales and his wife Mary, 
daughter of Sir Richard Hardres. He was the last of the well- 
known family whose seat was the Manor House of the Dungeon in 
Canterbury. He seems to have been a neighbour of Henry 
Oxinden’s, and “ Lodge ” from which he writes was perhaps a 
house on or near “ Lodgelees There is a much more distant 
place of the same name, otherwise called “ West Park ”, in 
Wrotham, the owners of which were unknown to Hasted after the 
reign of Elizabeth. The Covert is a large wood on the south- 
western outskirts of Barham which is still marked on the ordnance 

Noble Sir, 

I received a letter from you concerning [MS. faded] 
servant Robert. I expect it somewhat [MS. faded] which 
faylinge of I doubt [MS. faded] of his deserts, yett [MS. 
faded] nothinge from you to the contrary I have ventured to 
entertaine him, hopinge now you will doe mee the favour as 
to certifye mee what you loiow or at least conceive off 
him, which shalbe a sufficient warrant for mee to take or 

Sir I am informed you have putt away your haukes and are 
furnished with excellent Spaniells for the Covert ; yf you 
please to lend mee some of them you shall not only pertake of 
the sport when you please, and the quarrie, butt when you 
are againe dysposed to keepe haukes, comande as many 
doggs of myne, and this addition to your former curtesies, if 


1635] oxinden’s married life 

I bee not meanly ingratefull, must of necessitye more oblige 
mee to remaine 

Your trew freinde and servant 

Ja: Hales 

Lodge this present Sunday. Octob . 1635 

Pray Sir present my servis to noble Sir Thomas Peyton 
and your most vertuous bedfellow. 



[MS. 27,999, f - 2I 3] 


I thanke you very kyndly for your spanyells, but one 
of them being prowde and deafe I have sent back agayne, for 
feare of loasing ; the others I shall make use of. And when 
you shall have occasion to use them, or my man, hauke or 
dogges, I shall be reddy to wayte on you with them all. I 
pray remember my love unto your noble brother Sir Tho: 
Peyton, and the rest of your good company : and thus reddy 
to serve I shall remayne your disposeable servant and freind 

Pet: Heyman 

The i3.8 bns 1635 



[MS. 27,999, f. 215] 

Brother Oxinden, 

Time past we enjoy not, the time to come we call nott 
ours, the present is only that we can presumptuously say we 
possesse. I am bound to retume a heape of thanks to you ; 
for your readiness to apprehend any opportunity to compasse 
my felicity shall cleyme posterity to observe you and pro- 
pagate the memory of the engagement to eternity. Those 



hopes of a large reversion you mention, by a Lady soe 
accomplish^, are fyne and plausible and sound welle in the 
eare but they fill not the hand at all. The tedious expecta- 
tion of a happinesse is a kind of misery and weares out the 
estimation of it sometimes ; and where you have labour’d 
in the praise of that gentle beauty you speake of, ’twere 
kindnesse to let her know to whom shee stands soe oblig’d, 
that shee might testifie her owne goodnesse in giving you 
deserved respect. I told you before, the present is only 
ours, and though that Lady had a beautifull fortune in esse, 
which you determine to bee only in posse, neither yet should 
I expect some earneste to flatter mee a little that my lot may 
thence promise a prize. Mee thinkes the Diamond showes 
best when ’tis sett in gold and a comely face looks sweeter 
when it stands by the king’s picture, by whose secrett power 
the estimation is advanc’t, and whensoever I happen to make 
my choyce I shall looke more then upon one face. Neces- 
sity urges mee to require [MS. faded] quick dealing and to 
observe that princely rule somewhat stricter then I would, to 
marry for the good of the state. And besides t’is generally 
seene that man beginneth soe to undirstond himselfe and looke 
into his owne worth, that the other weaker vessell, woman, had 
nede now have some good addition to sett her of and make 
her estimable in his eye, before hee will reste on her, because 
of the generall depravity of that sexe. Butt I trench too 
deepe ! Shortly you shall heare from mee concerning the 
principall point I have taken upon mee to discharge : some 
way or other I will accomplish my worde. Till then I rest 
(neither can say more), expecting to heare from your deare 

Your loving Brother 

holy lombe , Aldersgate Street 
9 ber 5 * 1635 

Tho: Peyton 

Remember ad infinitum my reall respects to Mrs. Oxinden, 
whom I am so transcendency bound in all respective affaires 
to observe. 


1635 ] oxinden’s married life 



[MS. 27,999, f * 217] 

Lovinge Brother 

The largenes of your bounty and favours which know 
noe bounds cannot bee contained in soe small a Volume, which 
envious Time cannot furnish mee with oportunity to expresse 
or poore Arethmatick lend mee figures to number them ; the 
greatest service which poverty will bestow uppon mee is a 
gratefull acknowledgment of them, which like a maze doth 
more winde mee into your favours. I confess that it is noe 
lesse greife to mee to trouble you then you can conceive in my 
thus being troublesome unto you, and if that my lines bee not 
welcome unto you, blame not mee but my urgent occasions 
and your promise, which make my presumption the greater, 
of your favorable acceptation of these beggerly lines, which 
if they bee not supported with the staffe of your favorable 
constructions, they arre not able to subsist. Sed canem ut 
caedas facile est invenire bacillum ; never was suspitiori soe 
curteously entertain’d as nowadayes, but I hope you keepe noe 
hospitalitie for such guests : whose roome I thinke is more 
welkcome then there company. But not to trouble you with 
many words, my necessity would desire you to send mee by 
this bearer the summe of 12 11 which if it bee not suddenly 
procur’d for mee it will bee the losse of my degree, by reason 
that wee have a Bridg making and a paire of Organs which 
wee commensors must pay for and the smalnesse of our com- 
pany will cause a greater sum of money to be paid ; but lest I 
forgett myselfe, desiring you not to fade me, remembring my 
Duty to my Mother, my servise and respect to your selfe and 
your beloved Bedfellow I rest 

Your ever Loving Brother 

James Oxinden 

From St. John's in Camb: 

December 1st. 1635 




[MS. 27,999, f - 2 ° 7 ] 

Nephew Oxinden, 

I have sent you the garner that planted my pease, who 
I know can performe your busines well enough if you can 
agree upon tearmes to your minde. They are all for them- 
selves, therefore you cannot be to strict upon condicions if he 
will accept of them. So commendinge my best respects to 
you, my sister and my good neice, I rest 

Your affectionate uncle 

ij Janu. 1635 James Oxinden 



[MS. 27,999, f. 221] 

[Henry of Deane married first Mary, only daughter and heiress of 
Robert Baker of St. Martin-in-the-Fields. Their only child, 
Mary, died as an infant. Administration of Mary Oxinden ’s 
estate was granted to her husband on Dec. 30th, 1638. 1 Nothing 
else is known of the marriage, to which this letter evidently refers.] 

Honord Cozen, 

I think you cannot butt expect, according to my 
obligation, a relation of my proceedings, which have hitherto 
bee very faire ; rest nothing save conference of parents and 
there agreement ; pray bee secret. I would have enlarg’d 
myselfe more but time permits not. Pray be favorable to 
the hares that att my return I may share with you in their 
confusion. My Sister Dallison remembers her best re- 
spects to you, so doth 

Your affectionate cozen and obliged servant 

Henry Oxinden 

From the black Swan 

in the Strand neere Arundell house 

against the Halbut , the 17th of Feb. 1635 

1 P.R.C. Administration Act Bk. t 1636-1638, p. 240. 


1635] oxinden’s married life 



[MS. 27,999, f. 223] 

Good Nephewe, 

I have sent you my cotch this night, because I would 
have you take your owne time to goe tomorrowe morninge, 
which I did conceyve could not be so conveniently done if it 
should not have come to you untill the morninge : — especi- 
ally the weather beinge so variable as it of late hath bin. 
Tomorrow morninge I have appoynted Wm. Dane, the 
garner, to come to me about agreeinge with him, if I can, for 
the plantinge of your ground at Lodgleese with pease. 

I doubt by his discourse I shall not bringe him to plant 
your Land upon so good tearmes as I did myne owne, in two 
respects, the one for that he will not beleive that your land is 
so good as mine was, and the 2d because it is farther from him 
and more out of his way, but assure yourselfe of this, that I 
wille do my uttmost endeavour to bringe him up to the best 
condicions I can. Pray commend my best respects to my 
sister, my good neice and yourselfe, that am 

Your very affectionate uncle 

James Oxinden 

21 Febr . 1635 

My wife shall tell you how the busines goes with Dane, 
for I intend god willinge very early on tuesday morninge to 
goe for London, but I shall not stay there above a weeke, 
my daughter Dalison being not very well. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 224] 

Good Nephewe, 

You shall finde me very carefull for my neece Kather- 
ine’s good ; if he 1 shall come hither I shall tell him that a 
1 Katherine’s suitor, Thomas Barrow of Cheapside, 



busines of this nature is first to be treate of by frends, and 
that if his father will give way to it, he shalbe welcome to me, 
and by that I shall finde weather the younge man deales 
really, which as occasion serves I will not faile to acquaynt 
you and my sister. Doubt not but my wife and I will so 
handle the matter that I hope your sister shall receyve noe 
preiudice heere, for before I speake with his father I will 
beleive nothinge, nor suffer any communicacion betweene 
them. So in hast, with my best respects to you both 
I rest 

14 March. 1635 

Your loving uncle 

James Oxinden 


[MS. 27,999, 266] 

[Robert Bargrave, son of John Bargrave (or Bargar) the builder 
of Bifrons in Patrixbourne, and nephew to Dr. Isaac Bargrave, 
Dean of Canterbury 1625 t0 *642, was married in the Cathedral in 
1635 to Elizabeth Peyton, Mrs. Anne Oxinden ’s sister. Robert 
and his wife are buried, with his father and mother, in the South 
Chapel of Patrixbourne Church, and an epitaph tells their fate : 
Bello civili ex partibus regiis ) . 

Stetit et cecidit familia J men 
and how in 1673 : 

Johan Hasres a ruinis 
In ruinas lapidem posuit 1 

Robert’s letter is undated, but it seems likely to refer to his first 

Honored Sister, 

Wee hartiely thanke you for your kindenes to our boye 
in helping us to a nurse for him, but hee is growne so weake 
and froward that our Doctor advised us not to weane him 
till hee bee a little stronger. If you could prevaile with that 

1 Arch. Cant., xiv. p. 174. 

1 12 

1635] oxinden’s married life 

woman to bee with us then for a moneth or two you maye doe 
us a greate Curtesie, for your commendacions of her doth 
make us much desier her, which shall bee with what speede 
may bee. Thus with all our love and services I ever rest 
Your faithful brother to serve you 

Robt. Bargrave 

Byfrons this present Satterdaye 



[MS. 27,999, f. 226] 

Dearest Brother, 

I am verry sorry that I cannot soe much recover my 
strength as to give you thanks for your most loving letter. I 
am though feebly, thanks bee to God, somewhat [recovered] 
from the poison of sickness, which though I am I cannot say 
freed from, yet so much as to write unto you, which I never 
though [t] to have had that happines. You write unto mee to 
certifie you whether I bee Master of Arts or noe, which I was 
not at the receit of your letter, being then not the Time of our 
commensement, but now, Thanks bee to God, I have obtained 
it. Good Brother, send mee word if the least preferment 
may bee had, for I am not able nor willing, considring my 
greate Sicknes, to remaine heere. I would (as the Proverb 
sayth) play at small game wrather then give out, and my 
sicknes hath soe disinabled mee that I feare to live in this 
infectious ayre. You write to mee to send you a note of the 
receite of monyes, but the extraordinary resistance of my 
occasions and the greeviousness of my sicknes detaines mee 
from it. I must (Brother) desire you uppon all love to send 
mee by the bearer the sum of io 11 , which I have impulsive 
necessity to use. I must buy mee a Master of Arts Gowne 
and a sute, beesides I am indebted for my commensement 
and my sicknes. Let not (I pray you) my not forceable 
writing unto you make you weake in sending to me, for I 

H 113 


protest I have had soe much bloud taken from mee that I am 
scarse able to write at all. In the meane time (Good Brother) 
if you either respect mee or my credit help mee at this time. 
Thus desiring you to remember mee to your loving bedfellow, 
hoping you are all in health I rest 

Yours if his owne 

From Comb . 3 d of Aprill 

James Oxinden 


Draft Reply from henry oxinden 
[MS. 27,999, 22 l\ 

You may if you please, after the returne of the Carrier 
hither againe, come and bee with mee a month or six weekes 
till your body is in better state of health. It is true I doe not 
desire any more company in my house then my wife, children 
and servants, yet to doe you a curtesy I shall bee willing of 
your company during the time aforesaid. I know you are 
none of them that when they have once gotten into a friend’s 
house continue there without shame or modestie longer then 
they are Wellcome, and in conclusion goe away enemies when 
they came friends, and I know by this time you have learnt 
there is a difference betweene Meum and Tuum, not only 
amongst strangers but amongst friends and Brothers, and 
that they are men of a senseles disposition that thinke [that] is 
done toward them out of love is done out of duty. I doubt 
not that you thinke, if not know, that I have alwaies had a 
regard unto your wellfare, and if you call them to mind, 
evident proofes thereof to my ability, and doubt you not but 
my love and care of you is not extinguished but shall allwayes 
continue, till such time as you shall give the first occasion, 
either by too too apparent ill husbandry or disrespect of mee 
and then ne te qusesiveris extra. Hercules sum non CEdipus. 

I hope brother when you come unto the countrey I shall see 

1 14 

1636] oxin den’s married life 

you like another Noe, a preacher of righteousnes both in your 
words and actions, and you will thereby not only preserve 
your soule and body in good health but bee an infinit ioy to 
your frends and now especially 

Your ever loving Brother 

H. O. 

Good Brother if you will not send mee word what monies 
you have received of mee, yet set them doune in your booke, 
that you doe not forget them and soe an aspertion bee layd 
uppon mee. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 229] 

Good Cossen, 

Let me intreat this courtesie of you as to speake to 
your brother Sir Thomas Payten aboute a house he hathe in 
Sanwhiche, the name of it the dolphine. I have one that 
maried my sister hathe a great desire to have it of your 
brother, if his teanante leave it that is now in it. Sir, I shall 
thinke myselfe muche boun to you for to mouefe [move] it 
to hime that [if] it be twoe be let that he might have the 
forsakinge 1 of it, he is owne that is fittinge for the place, and 
one that is able to deale with it, for his rent he shall have 
good securietye for it. If it please you to doe me that 
Courtysie you shall finde me thankfull and readye to doe 
you anye that lyes in my power ; this with my sarves to you 
and my good Cossen your wiffe I leave you and rest 

Your assured lovinge kynsman and trew freinde 

Hen: Johnson 

Nether court this 25 of 
October 1636 

1 The refusal. 

JI 5 


XCVIII (J Draft] ) 


[MS. 27,999, f. 235] 

Beloved Friend, 

Pray deliver this incloased letter to Mr. Edwin 
Sandys and desire your father from mee to send mee my 
2 bookes of the Sabbath, for I desire to read them before they 
bee as much out of request as the Sabbath it self now is. Soe 
with my best respects to your best beloved, the like to Sir 
James, the Lady Oxinden, my cozin Dalison, my cozin 
Richard Masters and his Lady, my Cozin Jane and my 
studious cozin, I rest now as ever 

Tui amantissimus 

Hen: Oxinden 

Jan . 8. 1636 

I would have certified you that my begles did run downe a 
hare one Saturday, but that I would not have you think it 
any newes for them to do so. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 235 V.] 

[Thomas Barrow had recently married Katherine Oxinden, after 
the courtship described in Letter XCIII.] 

Jan . 29. 1636. 

Good Brother, 

This is to certify you that wee are all in good health 
(thanks bee to god therefore) and that my mother hath 
received the stuffe you sent her and doth- like verie well of it ; 
and that by much persuasion shee hath beene induced to bee 
with my wife till shee goes to london ; I have not sent you 
the monies I ow you, but you shall loose nothing by ther 
forbearance, to the utmost farthing, and when you must have 
it I will provide it for you. Pray send me downe for my 


1636] oxinden’s married life 

mother and my wife 22 els of strong holland at 3 s the ell 
price ; and by [buy] my wife 2 plaine Cambricke Geugeots of 
the newest fashion. My wife sayeth your saddle cloath is 
here and she will send it you up when you will have it sent 
up. Your mare is somewhat amended. Wee are all glad 
to heare that you and my Sister are in good health but sorrie 
to heare that the sicknes increaseth. Soe with all our loves 
unto you and prayers for your health and happines, I rest now 
as ever 

Your affectionatly loving brother to commande 

Henry Oxinden 


( Incomplete ) 

[MS. 27,999, f- I02 l 

I reseued your letter and the hallan [holland] and did 
speake to Addam Gull [Jull] about your mare, hee dooth say 
hee will carri her up. I also did speake to my sonn aboute 
Addam [Oxinden], and hee dooth say hee will geive but fifty 
pounes, too new sutes an a kloke ; pray tell your parten 
[partner] so much, for it may bee [he] will take it unkinely if 
time of anser be defered. I doo say this becase my Dafter Bar- 
row did speake unto hem for Addam, an hee may say if hee had 
konne [known] so much hee wold have hired another be fore 
this time. Sonn I am sorry that theare is shuch unlooke for 
dissagreing be tune you an my sonn, but i gess it tis a mistake 
that has cassed it, for Surr James an my lady doth both say, an 
so dooth my sonn, that shee should be worth fifty pounes unto 
you with that hee made her an that she had before, and so i 
am sure she was. i confes i did see som discontent in you 
before your going to London, but i cold not know the case, 
nether did i thinke of ani shuch thing. But that it had bin 
my going to London with you had cassed som sodden dis- 
content in you, becase of the coldnes of the wether, which 



you might thinke mith have bin dangerrus for me, and so i 
thoght myselfe, which consciet made me alter my mind ; but 
i see i was in the wrong, an shold never have thoght the 
right case [cause], it was so far from mee, be case i did know 
of no shuch agreement but what i said to my Brother 
Oxsinden, that i wold provide what i did see good, and hee 
did say that that wich she shold have an had alreddi wold be 
worth fifty pounes or rather more than les ; i tolde my lady 
all thinges that i wold make her and shee said they wold bee 
veri well, but i see they ar not so well liked as shee and i 
thoght they wold have bin, but it shale make me more warri 
to deale in ani bessines, for it may be thoght that my Sonn 
an my selfe did consent together to deseive you, but for 
myselfe I will swere I had rather not be worth a grote then 
to inrich myselfe be anni shuch ly or such menes, an i make 
no dought but my sonn is of that mind, for goodes so gotten 
will but make one poorer ; you sayed you had a letter from 
my sonn stoffed with mani unkineses an unBrotherly wordes ; 
i asked him of it for i did . . . 

Cl (Draft) 

[MS. 27,999, f. 235V.] 

To my Brother Ja. Oxinden, 

I r[eceive]d on letter from you bearing date Feb. 19, 
1637, it should bee 36, wherein you wrot to mee for 5 1 . I 
r[eceive]d another letter from you dated Feb. 27, 1637, it 
should bee 36, for wee write not 37 till the 27 of March ; but 
let that passe. You say in your first letter that you have 
r[eceive]d in all since your departure from mee the summe of 
fourty 8 1 ; now I thought good to satissfie you at what times 
I have sent you monies and by whom. Imprimis 

1 . 

I sent you by Francis Stephan Decemb. 1 1 800 

Sent you by Francis Stephan Jan. 21 


12 o o 

1636] oxinden’s married life 

Sent you by Francis Stephan 
Sent you by Shepheard 
Sent by Shepheard 
Sent by Francis Stephan 
Sent you by Francis Stephan 
Sent you by Francis Stephan 
Sent you by Francis Stephan 


Feb. 26, 1635 6 o 

March 26, 1635 5 o 

Aprill 14, 1636 7 0 

May 23 50 

June 25, 1636 10 o 

July the 27, 1636 15 o 

November 14, 1636 20 o 








which if you cast up amounteth to a far greater somme then 
you speake of, and that I sent you these monies I have your 
owne hand writing to show and your letters in which you sent 
for these monies. Now I infinitly admire how you take noe 
more notice of what you send for and receive, insomuch as it 
maketh mee doubt the worst, and it maketh mee have little 
heart to send up monies still at your demands, when you for- 
get what you have received. Concerning that great summe 
of monie you sent to mee for in your last letter, viz. 20 1 , I 
cannot soe [suddenly] procure it ; they of whom I use to 
borrow monies being quite out of mony, soe as I know not 
without great trouble how to get it ; wherfore as you have 
acknowledged a great deale of love to mee, doe mee the kind- 
nes to recall that monies you have put out and save mee of the 
inconvenience, thus not doubting of you granting mee my 
request, it being one of the first that ever I requested of you, 
I rest 

Your truly loving brother 

Henrie Oxinden 

March $th. 1636 

I desire to have a quarter’s warning beefore I pay in the 
monies I ow you. Gutta cavat lapidem non vi sed saepe 





[MS. 27,999, f. IOl] 

Neve Oxinden, 

I being welleng to fullfell all your desires to perswaid 
your brothar Rechard Oxienden to go oufer, becaus hee should 
not be trubbelsom to you nor my sester, but past my word to 
my Cosson Pettet for 5 pounds to send hem oufer and let 
hem be weth me when hee plesed, and for all my good well I 
find hee dus not euse me like a Gentelman and well not pai 
my cosson pettet, all thought hee sais hee had the monny : but 
I ded not thenke I should haufe ben so unkindly delt weth 
all by hem, nor you, for you wret to my Cosson Pettet to let 
hem haufe such monnys as hee ded want and you wret to me 
to get hem oufar so sone as I cold, be fore his monny was 
spent, which I ded : it well make me haufe care heareaftar 
how I do cortesis for my frends, for what I ded was for good 
well, it may be ther may some haufe a casion heare aftar, but 
I haufe cond my leson. I heare you haufe yet som monnys 
of hes in your hands and that hee hath sent for it ; if you well 
please to send that monny to my Cosson Pettet hee can pai 
hemselfe : for my on part if my Cosson Petet demand his 
monny of me I will put it over to my landelord ho sweares hee 
well a rest hem for it, for hes ell eueseng [using] of hem, and 
when hee is in preson and all hes monny spent hes frends well 
wesh it had ben paid. I do not care for 5 pounds had it ben to 
do hem good but to be cheted in thes mannar I well not if heare 
be right in London. I prai god bles hem and geufe hem gras 
to take som onnest cores that hee be no shame to hes frends : 
when hes monny is spent you should do well to kep some of 
hes monny in your hand for when hee comes to want I know 
no frend hee has to fly to but to you. my loufe to my Nese 
weth my best respect to yourselfe, I desir your kind ansar. 
Good nevey do me so much fauor as when you ar at lesur to 
veufe [view] my woods at wolleg and send me word what you 
thenke they ar worth a nakar ; if you well do me thes favor I 


1636] ox in den’s married life 

well be redy to do the like cortesey for you and yours ; and to 
help me to a Chapman for them, for I purpos to cut som down 
the wenttar and you dewelleng so ny may do me a gret 


To my loving Nevey Master Hendry Oxienden at his 
house in Wolleg parres [parish] thes 


[MS. 27,999, f. 298] 

[The Swan family, here introduced in the person of the younger 
son, John Swan, were for a few years neighbours of Henry Oxin- 
den at Denton Court across Denton Street from Maydekin. Sir 
Francis Swan of Wye, father of Edward and John Swan, bought 
the Denton estate from Roger Twisden of Chelmington. Sir 
Francis was knighted at Theobalds, March 8, 1608 ; he married 
Dorothy, da. of Sir Edward Boys of Fredville. Edward Swan, 
his heir, sold Denton in 1638 to Sir Anthony Percival and removed 
with his family to Fredville (Fredfield) (c/. Letter CXXVIII), 
when his daughters were sent to school. John Swan (1609-1644) 
succeeded Dr. Rogers as Rector of Denton in 1638. He may, 
however at an earlier date have been acting as curate, while the 
Doctor served his benefice of St. Margaret’s, Canterbury, and for 
this reason have hired from Henry Oxinden the house still stand- 
ing known as Little Maydekin, where Mrs. Katherine Oxinden 
usually resided. Mrs. John Swan was a daughter of Simon 
Aldrich, and grand -daughter of Dr. Francis Aldrich, Principal of 
Sidney Coll., Cambridge (d. 1603), whose monument is in St. 
Margaret’s, Canterbury.] 

Loving and Kind Mother, 

Mr. Swan informed mee that you had a verie good 
iourney to London, for which I am verie glad. I hope you 
are in good health there, as my Wife and children are at this 
present. I for my part am troubled with a cold which doth 
take away my speech. I have lett Mr. John Swan have your 
house untill St. Michael!. I received a letter last weeke from 
my Aunt Proud about the 5 11 shee borrowed of my Cozin 



Valentine Pettitt for my brother Richard ; shee would have 
mee pay itt, though there bee noe reason for itt ; the truth is 
shee ought to pay my cozin Pettitt, and my brother Richard 
her. When I paid my brother Richard his portion, hee 
promised mee to discharge that debt. Mr. Palmer of How- 
leech hath buried his wife. I desire to have my love re- 
membred to my brother and sister Barrow and my sister 
Elizabeth and to Mr. Streatehay, etc., and so I rest 
Your dutifull sonne to command 

Henri Oxinden of Barham 

My wife remembreth her dutie to you. Wee have sent 
you a Pie. 

Jan: 15. 1636 



[MS. 27,999, f. 277] 


i rescived your letter and kinely thanke you and my 
Dafter for your Pie. i did not know M s a Swan was gon 
doune i had though [t] to have sent a letter by him. i did 
marvel i did not heare from you before, at last i gessed you 
weare not com home from keepeing your Crismus i am sorri 
you have shuch a greate cold i have binn veri ill with a coffe 
sence which is not yet gon i had a lamenes in my wrist which 
cassed a great paine in my haun that i cold not doo ani thinke 
with it pray send to the widdow fakele [Falkner] for my rent 
an if Sir Tommis Payten com up this tearme intreate him to 
bring it up James is not yet gon out of London what his 
case [cause] of stay is i know not heare is a great dele of nues 
but i am not at this time well a noufe to relate it unto you. 
My Cossen esday has a nague. My son Barrow an his wife, 
with your sister Bess, rememberes theare loves to you an 
theare Sister, thus in hast i rest 

Your loveing mother 

Januari 14 1636 Kathrin Oxinden 


1636] oxinden’s married life 



[MS. 27,999, f. 236V.] 

Cozin Pettit, 

1 As concerning the mony my Aunt Proud borrowed 

of you for my Brother Richard I wonder that shee hath not re- 
paid you, there is noe reason but that shee shuld pay such 
monies as shee borroweth for whomsoever they bee. And 
I have noe reason to pay monyes to her, for shee allwaies 
sided with my brother Richard ag[ains]t mee ; insomuch as 
I take it very ill of her, thinking I might deserve as well as hee; 
when I paid him his portion hee told mee hee would pay that 
monies, as allsoe 2 1 which, as I take it, Sir James Oxinden 
borrowed of you for him : yet for all that I was asked to pay 
it my selfe ; but I am not so far obliged to my Ant Proud, 
and therefore pray [receive] it of her, for it is her debt to you, 
and my brother Richard, it seems, is to pay her. Let mee 
intreate you, good cozin, to lay the saddle upon the right 
horse, and not suffer mee to beare noe greater load, groaning 
under that I allready beare. My Cozin Paul tells mee hee 
hath sent you the monies . I am sorrie my Cozin your wife is 
soe ill, to whom I desire my best respects to bee remembered 
and to yourself and rest 

Your loving kinsman 

H. O. 

[March 20, 1636] 

My Brother Richard is in London and hath sent for 50 1 
the interest of a 150 1 ; soe that hee hath remaining 100 1 . 

1 Sixteen lines dealing with financial matters here omitted. 




[MS. 27,999, f - 2 37 ] 

Worthy Sir, 

You requested to borrow my little neg and your re- 
quest shalbe an absolute command to him whom you shall 
alwayes find devoted to love honour and serve you and is 
semper idem to his freinds though mutatus ab illo Henri 

Parcus Deorum cultor et infrequens 
Insanientis dum sapientiae 
Consultus erro nunc retrorsum 
Vela dare atque iterare cursus 
Cogor relictos. 

CVII (Draft) 


[MS. 27,999, f. 242] 

[Whittingham Fogge was son of Captain Richard Fogge, R.N., 
called “ of Barham/’ who died August 15th, 1681, set 81, and 
is buried at Bekesbourne, and grandson of Ezechias Fogge, Vicar 
of Chilham. 

The Captain’s epitaph says that he “ faithfully sarved King 
Charles y e first as Captaine of several of his men of ware at sea ; 
afterwards he retired himself to a private life in this Parish ”, 
One of the ships in his command was H .M .S . James . It must have 
been during his sea-going days that Captain Richard made a home 
at South Barham and built his pew. 

Shelving, also referred to in this letter, is a manor and borough 
at the east end of Barham parish. The Oxinden (Dean and 
Chapter) papers, Nos. 54, 55 and 67, show that Stephen Hobday 
of Hougham bought Shelving House and 185 acres in 1616 from 
William Collyns of Wye. The Carlell family (“ Mr. Carly ”) 
had owned a farmhouse at Shelving since the last reign : Hobday 
according to Letter CVII purchased their property to add to his 
own. This account differs from Hasted’s but is supported by 


1637] oxinden’s married life 

“ Lady Maidstone ”, Elizabeth, only daughter and heir of 
Sir Thomas Heneage and wife of Sir Moyle Finch of Eastwell 
was created Viscountess Maidstone in 1623 and Countess of 
Winchilsea in 1629, in her own right. The patent explains that 
her husband would have been “ more highly dignified had not 
death prevented it ”, and that she herself was “ a lady of excellent 
endowments ”. 1 ] 

Worthy Friend, 

Ther were 4 seates in Barham confirmed to my father 
and Mr. Fog and there heires, as may appeare by their writing 
I have sent unto you, dated 1 623 . My desire is that you would 
wel peruse the writing : Mr. Fog then dwelt in a house at 
South Barham, which house was then, and is now Mr. Whit- 
tingha[m’s], woods the Lady Maidstone. I conceive, and 
my father soe told me when hee was living, that when Mr. 
Fog and his heires were gon from thence (as they now are) 
that then the seates would soly belong to him and his heires. 
These seates one Goodman Hobdy chalengeth as belonging 
to him ; saying that Mr. Carly, of whom hee bought the house 
at Shelving where hee now liveth, built the 2 bigest of them : 
the sayd Hobdy being now churchwarden, by his procure- 
ment hath altered the 2 lowest seates into one, I not being 
made acquainted with it ; and the mother-in-law of the said 
Hobdy, by name goodwife Nethersole, doth now chalenge 
that seate as hers, and last Sundy denyed my servants to come 
into it, it seems as being appointed by her sone-in-law the 
Churchwarden now. I desire you first to certify mee 
whether I have received in writing any firme right to these 
[four seats] 2 myselfe, now Mr. Fog is gon ; or whether 
[Mr. Wood] 2 who is owner of the house where Mr. Fog 
[lived hath] 2 any ioyntly with mee, or whether both of [us 
have] 2 one, or whether Hobdy have all, and can thus [claim 
the] 2 lowermost seates and place in whom hee listeth. If by 
this writing (or by mony or friendes) I can get them totally 
and soly belong to mee, I am resolved to hold the[m] or get 
them to my selfe. If Mr. Wood can chalenge my right with 

1 Hasted lii. p. 199. 2 MS. torn : missing words conjecturally supplied. 



mee (I hope hee can not now) then the best way wilbe to make 
him a iust party against [mee], for Hobdy having offered mee 
this affront I desire to have him (if it may possibly bee) 
remooved. If I cannot get nor keepe all the 4 pewes to my 
selfe by noe meanes, then if I can get but the one halfe of 
them to myselfe in p[ar]ticular I shall bee the better con- 
tented, soe as I may have the[m] to my self, for I would new 
build them, being old [and] ill favoured and not fitting for a 
gent to sett in. You aie to conceive that Mr. Wood had only 
a lease of that house, and soe could not bee heire to Mr. Fog. 
I beleive Hobdy will doe what hee can in the busines this 
court and therfore pray bee vigilant. I doubt because Mr. 
Walner 1 is not my praetor hee will bee no friend of mine in 
the busines. It is alleidged that it is not fit for married 
women to set out of seates when mayds may set in, and that 
Sir Basil Dixwell hath taken some of the seates to his use and 
there is roome wanting. I conceive there is roome enough 
or may bee enough, without having myne. In short ; you see 
what I can show for my right and my resolution. I desire 
your advise and care, and rest 

Your assured loving friend 

Henry Oxinden 

Confirme the Act by Sir Nathaniel — Dr. Rogers. 

[j probable date 1637] 



[MS. 27,999, f. 259] 

Good Nephewe, 

Comming downe from London in the coatch with 
Mr. Richardson, 2 amonge other discourse we fell in talke of 
your pewes in Denton, hee saying that he thought it conven- 

1 Probably John Warner, Curate of Barham and Rector of Bishops- 

2 The family lawyer in Canterbury. 


1637] oxinden’s married life 

ient I should write to Sir Natha: Brent ; which I am resolved 
to do if you approve of it, but beinge your busines I thought 
it unfitt to stirr untill I had acquaynted you therewith, so that 
if it please you to come over to me tomorrowe you shall see 
my letter. 

Pray come to dinner, when I beleive you shall meete the 
leiutenant of Dover Castle, 1 when you may begin your 
acquayntance with him. So in hast I rest 

Your affectionate uncle 

James Oxinden 

zdjune . 1637 

Pray commend my service to my sister and my neice. 



[MS. 27,999, f* 261] 

[Nathaniel Brent (c. 1573-1652) became Warden of Merton 
College, Oxford, in 1622 in succession to Sir Henry Savile. 
When already Warden he was appointed Commissary of the Dio- 
cese of Canterbury and Vicar General to Archbishop Laud, and 
on Sir Henry Marten’s death, a Judge of the Prerogative Court. 
In 1629-30 he was admitted to the freedom of Canterbury honoris 
causa . The facts of his interesting career may for the rest be read 
in the Dictionary of National Biography. “ Mr. Dean of Canter- 
bury ” at this date was Isaac Bargrave who held the office, 


Your request concerning a pew for your nephew is so 
reasonable that I should be iniurious both to yourself and to 
my worthy frend Mr. Dean of Canterb: who, as it seems, hath 
begun the businesse, if I should deny it. Onely I desire you 
not to expect a facultie under seal until my coming to Can- 
terb: which shal be (God willing) about Michaelmas ; or 
perhaps before. I will then see such clauses put into it as 
the law requireth, the instrument being legall[y made] may 

1 Sir John Manwood. " 



be the more permanent. The releasing of the Visitation wil 
make no difference, because this businesse is (by our Law) 
accounted inter ardua with which the Archdecon can not 
meddle, and because I have at al times concurrence of iuris- 
diction with him, and because it was begun in the visitation 
and so must be ended by the same autoritie. It shal be don 
in the best manner in respect of al circumstances. And so 
with my very loving salutations I bid you hartely farewell 
Your very faithful frend and servant 

Na: Brent 

Oxford Aug. 7. 1637 

CX (Draft) 


[MS. 27,999, f. 238V.] 

Loving Mother, 

I have sent your bed and bedding uppon Monday, 
being the 9th of October, to Barham mell, Adam Jull having 
not delivered them. I enquired of him of the mayd ; hee 
told mee that shee came about an houre after you were gon 
and that her father offered 5s for a horse at Canterbury for 
her to overtake you, this is all I can certify you concerning 
this busines etc. etc. 


CXI (Draft) 


Loving Mother, 

I understand by my Brother Barrow’s letter that you 
are in good health, God be praysed therfore, and that you 
have referred the business concerning the paying of Shepheard 
for bringing up the mayd to towne unto mee ; for my part I 
thinke it reason that the mayd or her father shall pay for her 
ioumy to London, seing shee came not in due time, for wee 


1637] oxinden’ s married life 

payd for roome in the coach for her and therefore by my con- 
sent shee shall not be allowed one farthing towards her iourny . 
I understand likewise by my brother Barrow that my brother 
Adam is well placed and I am heartily glad thereof. If it 
had not beene a rayny night I had sent you up some rabots, 
however I will doe it at the first oportunitie. My wife re- 
membreth service unto you and her love to my brothers and 
sisters, and soe doth he who is your dutifull sonne ever to 

Henry Oxinden of Oxinden (sic) 

Oct. 17. 1637 

CXII (Draft) 


[MS. 27,999, f - 2 3 8v -] 

Good Brother, 

I understand that by your letter for which I am to 
reiterate gratefulnes unto you, namely for placing my Brother 
Adam soe well. 1 Soe with our loves unto you and my sister 
your Bedfellow, I rest 

Your truly loving brother at command 

Hen. Oxinden 

[Oct. 17. 1637] 



[MS. 27,999, f- 2 68] 

Sweete Love, 

Having a convenient messenger I could not let slip 
the opportunity of sending you word of my health, knowing 
that you wilbe joyfull at the hearing thereof. I hope you 
and my children are all in good health likewise. Pray have 
a speciall care that my sister Kent want nothing during her 


1 Passage omitted about Adam Jull’s debts. 


aboade with you . Pray send me up as soone as you can a couple 
of rabots and a brace of partridges and all the gilt plate and the 
old silver tankard for I meane to change it for you. I desire 
you to speake to Cooper to get some monie of Lee for mee 
and send it mee up for I shall want some. Pray send mee 
up a sample of my fatte pease and certifie mee what they 
would give for them at Feversham and let the barly in Jones 
his barne bee threshed out and sold at the best rate where- 
soever it be carried. I doubt not but you will have a care of 
all my thinges at home. I intend to send you some linen 
verie speedily by Shepheard. Speake to Cooper and John 
to have a speciall care of my conies that they bee not stole and 
to order all my busines to the best advantage. Remember 
mee to my sister Kent and master Swan and goodman Cul- 
ling ; if you send up your old gold I will change it for such 
thinges as shall be more to your liking. My mother, my 
brother Barrow and sisters remember themselves to you and 
my sister Kent. In hast I rest 

Your ever truly loving husband 

till death us part 


Novemb. 12. 


Here is noe newes, save that I was at Court uppon Sunday 
last. Your Brother Sir Thomas Peyton and Mr. James Kent 1 
are in good health. 



[MS. 27,999, f - 281] 

Deare Hartt, 

I never was more joyfull of any thinge then I was of 
your Letter in which I heard of youre health, which I much 
dowted of by reson of youre silence so long, but I hope it 
1 Her brother-in-law. 


From a portrait by Cornells Janssen in the possession of Leggatt Brothers. 
Photographer, Donald Macbeth, 17, Fleet St , London. 

1637] oxinden’ s married life 

was forgettfullness and no neglectt of mee : therefore I shall 
the soner pardone it, and shall expect youre company on 
thursday, but I thinke you will not com till my [cozin] Henry 
Oxinden comse, which I hope will on Satturday without fayle. 
I have sent you horses and I spacke to Cooper about mony, he 
ses he has brought you all : for my part I am a stranger to his 
dooings. I sent you a sample of your peese with the last 
letter. Iff the time would have given mee leave I showld 
have bine more trublesome, so in hast I rest 

Youre truly loving and faithful wife 

Anne Oxinden 

Pray by mee a morning peake which will cost 5s. and for- 
geat not a fumitur for my horse. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 272] 

[Dr. Edmund Randolph must have ridden or driven over from 
Canterbury, where he was a well-known medical practitioner, to 
pay his professional visits to Mrs. Anne Oxinden. He was a 
Kentish man, fifth son of Bernard Randolph of Biddenden, a 
graduate of University College, Oxford, and an M.D. of Padua in 
1626. He married in 1628 Deborah, fourth daughter of Giles 
Master of Woodchurch and Canterbury. Of his large family of 
ten sons and five daughters, two sons have a niche in national 
biography : one of them, Bernard, published two valuable books, 
The Present State of the Morea , 1686, and a companion volume, 
The Present State of the Islands of the Archipelago , 1687, for which 
he gathered material on his business journeys in the Levant. Dr. 
Edmund died in 1649 and was buried in St. Andrew’s Church, 

Loving and Kind Mother, 

I hope you are in good health as I am at this present. 
My wife is verie ill of an extreame cold shee caught going in a 
frosty and snowy day to my sister Kent’s. 1 Dr. Randolfe 
went from her but now. I sent you 5 11 by Sir Thomas Peyton 

1 That is to Chartham. 

U 1 


and io 11 for my brother Barrow which I borrowed of him at 
London. My brother Kent mistooke the letter I sent him 
for a proclamation ; hee shewed it the Deane of Canterburie, 
Dr. Rogers, and most of the Knights and gentlemen about us. 
In great hast I rest 

Your loving and dutifull sonne 

Henrie Oxinden 

Jan. xin. mdcxxxvii 


[MS. 28,000, f. 67] 

Good Cosin, 

I consave Doctor Randalls Coors to be good, especi- 
ally a pon this thaw and releasing of the wether ; but if this 
coors fayll, it folloeth not that therfor there is any other 
daynger then not so speedy an amendment as els ther woldbe ; 
for in shuch cases many times bodyes com not to be in Right 
temper in a good whill, especially at this tyme of the year ; it 
was not likly from the beginning but my neec’ wold have a 
tedius siknes but I hop not dayngerus, with such good 
meanes as you use, ther for I pray be not dismayed. I am 
sorry my Nec’ is ill in a time when I can be no more helpfull 
to her by reson of my yong horses and the bad wether. I 
cawth shuch an extrem cowld as I cam horn, with being frited 
with the coch hors, that I came out of the coch and cawght 
cowld and have bin ill of my head and my throt, els I had bin 
with you yesterday, and so soon as I dare stir out of dores I will 
com and se her ; in the mean time I pray let me heer how you 
prosed and shall be glad that in anything a may be helpfull 
to her and redy to aprove myself to you both 

Your afectionat loving Ant to her powr M.O. 


1637] oxinden’s married life 



Loving and Kinde Mother, 

My wife hath beene verie ill of late, insomuch as 

shee was adiudged to be in great danger but is now for some 
time recovered. I doubt not but you have heard of the ill 
newes of my cozin James Oxinden slaine in a feild by Jerome 
Manwood. My Lady Oxinden . . . taken verie ill, as 
is ... 1 




[MS. 27,999, f * 2 79] 


i resceved your letter and am glad to heare of my 
dafteres recoverri i sent you a letter last weeke which letter 
it maybe you have had sence. My sonn Barrow rememberes 
his services unto you an to my Dafter and desires to be ex- 
skcuseesed (sic) for not writing and not sending your bookes 
his sute with his mother is not yet ended. But nou is the 
time of trial. My dafter Barrow is not well But Bes and 
Addam ar well an remember there love unto you an there 
sister so doth my dafter Barrow pray remember my Love to 
my Dafter an my servis to Mrs. Kent i did heeare Ma s Kent 
was in London but hee was not so kine as to com see mee 
nether have i seene sur James Oxsinden nor heard so much as 
commondasiones from anni of them. Sence you went from 
Londan i was a most in the mind that there was som inpost 
set one inke an paper and wee had not heard of the nues here 
but if it be not that sur[e] something eles was the case [cause] 
eles i shold heere oftetenner out of Kente. My sonn Barrow 
desires you to speake to Addam Cuill [Jull] to send him word 
how the bissines at elam stanes heare is no nues worth the 
1 The MS. of this letter is a fragment only. 



relasion at this time, this praying to God for your helth an 
youres, i rest your loveing mother 

K. O. 

Febe the fur st 1637 

i will send your selles veri shortely. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 282] 

Loving and Kind Mother, 

I have left thirty pound with my cozin Paul Pettit to 
bee returned unto you, who hath promised to doe it with all 
expedition, 26 11 there of is of the mony the widow Falkner 
paid and the 4 11 , being the residue, is part of the quarter’s 
interest for my sister Elizabeth. The weaver hath brought 
home your cloath. I sent my man to Mr. Richards and hee 
was not at home : he enquired if his house were to bee lett, 
hee heared that it was not. I shall enquire farther thereof and 
certify you. My Aunt Pettit hath beene very ill but it is 
hoped is uppon recoverie. Sir Thomas Payton will not bee 
at home at Knolton till Thursday. My wife is recovered 
beyond expectation of her Friends and Phisition. Mr. 
Francis Swan will acquaint my brother Barrow how his 
affaires stand at Elham. My children are well. Here is noe 
newes save that Mr. Rogers searched his wife to find whether 
shee had beene honest or noe. There is a comedie acted 
tonight in Lattin at the Deanery. Thus with the remem- 
brance of our duties to you and our respects to all I pray for 
your health and am 

Your dutifull sonne 

Henrie Oxinden 

Feb 6. 1637 

T 34 

1637] oxinden’s married life 

CXIX (a) 


Good Brother, 

I reseved your Letter and the moni which you sent 
mee I wold pray you not to tack it ill that you heare not from 
mee it is not for wont of true Love unto yow but my bad 
riting. And beeing in heast i rest 

Youre ever loving sister tel deth 

Elizabeth Oxinden 


PART IV. 1638-1640 


The Letter-writers (in italic) and their circle. Part IV 
introduces : 

The Oxindens (incidentally) 

Two daughters of Sir James Oxinden : 

Anne (b. 1607), m. (1626) Richard Master of East Langdon 
(cf. Letter CXXVII). 

Jane (b. 1618), m. (1637) Sir Thomas Piers, Bart., of Stonepitt, 
Seale (cf. Letter CXXI, etc.). 

Kentish Gentlemen 

Sir Thomas Wilsford (or Wilford) of Ileden (Ilding). 

Sir William Meredith of Leeds Abbey and his daughter Elizabeth 
(m. April 1640, Henry Oxinden of Deane). 

Sir Edward Master of Ospringe. 

Richard Master, his son. 

Sir John Manwood. 


1. Public Events, 1638-1640 

In November 1638, England is anxiously awaiting the decisions 
of the Assembly of Glasgow upon certain proposals for a scheme 
of modified episcopacy. These have been submitted by James, 
Marquis of Hamilton (“ My Lord Marques ”) in accordance with 
the royal proclamation at Edinburgh Cross on September 22nd, 

It is generally expected that the demands of the Assembly must 
react severely upon the course of English politics ; “ certayne 
this is ”, writes Sir Thomas Peyton (Letter CXXI), “ they will 
bring forthe a Parliament here in Englande ”. 

The demands when formulated fully justify forebodings : they 
include the abolition of the episcopate, the re-establishment of 



Presbyterian government in the Church of Scotland. Hamilton 
returns to England to report his ill -success. Even before his 
arrival Sir Jacob Astley, a veteran of the Thirty Years* War, has 
been sent North to muster and inspect the Trained Bands. 

During the spring of 1639, even in East Kent soldiers are pressed 
for Scotland ; the prebends of Canterbury show no eagerness to 
provide light horses, and both they and Henry Oxinden evade the 
obligation (Letter CXXIII). 

During the same month of April the King issues a fresh pro- 
clamation, compounded of threats and promises, to his Scottish 
subjects ; “ they most ungratiously **, writes sarcastically Henry 
Oxinden, “ have refused it *’. Charles now sets forth from New- 
castle towards Berwick, and demands for ship-money “ salute ” 
the gentlemen of Kent (Letter CXXX). The county has its own 
exciting interlude when the Dutch chase a Spanish fleet, seventy 
sail of galleons and transport, into the Downs, and there under the 
eyes of the English Admiral Pennington, a passive spectator, 
defeat them with heavy loss. On that September morning 1639, 
the two Henries and Sir Thomas Peyton rides betimes over the 
hills to Deal, to lose nothing of the excitement (Letter CXXXIV). 

Henry Oxinden of Deane now goes to London for the Law 
Term, when he is in a better position to supply the latest tidings to 
his cousin, who is detained in Kent by lack of means. On 
October 31st he writes to summarise the fresh demands of the 
Scottish Covenanters “ as disobedient and insolent as ever ” 
(Letter CXXXV). 

Sir Thomas Peyton, elected member for Sandwich in 1639, is 
present at the opening of the Short Parliament on April 13th, 1640. 
From him Henry Oxinden receives a graphic account first of the 
procession — the Bishops on “ bob-tayl*d horses ” — and next of the 
proceedings in both Houses from Monday, April 16th, to Monday, 
23rd. The speech of Harbottle Grimston, member for Col- 
chester (“ one Mr. Grimeston ”), which “ iump’d upon the greiv- 
ences of our state untimely ”, is qualified by Sir Benjamin Rudyerd 
and a speech by Sir Francis Seymour closes the debate. 1 Peti- 
tions from the counties are heard next day, detailing grievances of 
every kind ; on their conclusion Pym, “ an ancient stoute man of 
the Parliament ”, speaks at great length, calling upon the House to 
petition the King for redress. Peyton gives a somewhat full 
account of this celebrated oration. He then passes to the House 

1 Gardiner’s chronology ( Fall of the Monarchy , cf. ch. i, vol. 1. p. 310) 
here differs slightly from Peyton’s account. 



of Lords, and describes “ a remarkable passage ”, (on Thursday 
19th), between Archbishop Laud and William Fiennes, Lord 
Saye and Sele, and the motion for adjournment introduced by 
the Lord Keeper (Lord Finch of Fordwich). On the 21st a 
Committee is elected to prepare a statement of the case against 
the Crown. “ These smart proceedings,” Peyton remarks, “ doe 
cause a murmure about the Towne that the Parliament wall dis- 
solve.” Old Sir Peter Heyman, the member for Dover, sums up 
Monday’s proceedings in a gruff phrase, “ they cast bones one at 
another all the day ”. (Letter CXLII). 

The letters are now silent awhile upon public matters : nothing 
is heard of Charles’s fresh demand for subsidies, his appeal to the 
Lords, the fresh trouble in Scotland which forced him again to 
press for supplies, and ultimately led to the dissolution of the 
Short Parliament after a three weeks’ momentous sitting, on 
May 5th, 1640. On the 6th Sir Thomas sends to Maydekin 
his comments on the Dissolution, the King’s Speech, and the 
spirit in which it was received, and expresses the plain man’s view 
of what the dispersal of the members throughout the country 
may bring about (Letter CXLVIII). 

On the 7th his active pen writes again about the riots at Lam- 
beth Palace and the signs of anarchy elsewhere in the country. 
Already “ the fiery declination of the world ” seems to threaten 
him in his quiet home at Knowlton (Letter CXLIX). 

A letter of Sir Thomas Wilsford’s hints at the attempt of 
Henrietta Maria to seek help from Rome ; “the Poapische faction 
grows twoe insolent ” (Letter CL). 

In September 1640 Oxinden receives from his brother-in-law, 
Thomas Barrow, a graphic version of the riot in St. Lawrence’s 
Church in the City against the Bishop of London’s Chancellor, 
Dr. Ducke. 1 (Letter CLVIII). In October Barrow reports on the 
negotiations with the Scots resulting in the truce at Ripon on 
26th, and hints at Strafford’s impending fall (Letter CLX). 
James Oxinden now takes up the tale with the story of Heywood, 
the member’s stabbing by a lunatic named James, a Kentish man, 2 
the development of the proceedings against Strafford, the release 
from the Tower of Laud’s enemy, the fiery John Williams, Bishop 
of Lincoln (Letter CLXI). The Lord Keeper, Lord Finch of 
Fordwich, who had fled the country in December 1640, is form- 
ally impeached on January 14th, 1640-1 and Sir Edward Lyttelton 
is appointed to succeed him. The imprisonment and trial of 

1 Cf. Gardiner, loc. cit, } i. 438. 2 Gardiner, ii. 26. 



Strafford and the proceedings against Dr. Cosin, Richard Kilvert 
and others fill Thomas Barrow’s letters (CLXII-CLXIII) with 
unwonted excitement, while Edward Swan (Letter CLXVI) 
touches on the reprieve of the Jesuit (John Goodman) and his 
expected banishment, and forecasts the condemnation of Arch- 
bishop Laud, “ very deepe in Capitall Crymes.” 

2. Domestic Affairs 

In spite of growing anxiety about their country’s unrest, which 
is finding expression in the rise of corn prices and the difficulty of 
collecting rents, our squires devote their leisure to hunting and 
coursing, in which high officials of Church and State also take 
part. On one occasion, when the hunt is over the Beacon, Sir 
Thomas Peyton meets with an adventure (Letter CLIII). 
James Oxinden is now staying at Oxford and Henry is exercised 
about his prospects of preferment. The gallant Henry of Deane 
carries off his “ Deity ” and their wedding, solemnised at the 
bride’s home at Leeds Abbey and repeated at the bridegroom’s 
at Wingham, is described with many poetic touches by Henry of 
Barham (Letter CXLIII). The second ceremony afforded James 
Oxinden an opportunity to display his oratory and to make a 
favourable impression (Letter CXLIV). 

Henry Oxinden’s young wife Anne dies at Barham, after an 
illness in which her aunt Margaret, Lady Oxinden, ministers to 
her of her medical skill (Letter CLIV). Sir Thomas Peyton 
intercedes with Henry to make more definite provision for his 
motherless children (Letter CLV). 

Adam Oxinden’s master, Mr. Brooks, retires from business 
and sends in his bill (Letter CLXIV). 



[MS. 27,999, 288] 

[Henry Oxinden’s Notebook contains an interesting account of 
“ the building and planting of Brome ” ( Genealogist , n.s. 8, 1893, 

The foundations were laid in April 1635 ; the shell was up by 
the following November ; it was September 1637 before the 
joiners got to work on wainscotting the rooms, and Michaelmas 
1638 before they and the painters departed and all stood ready for 
Sir Basil’s occupation. He arrived, says Henry Oxinden, six 



weeks later, and remained till the following Michaelmas 1639. 
He evidently, however, gave a picnic party there in June of that 
summer (as this letter relates). 

“ There were used about the house, outhouses and walling,” 
the Notebook relates, “ twentie and seaven hundred thousand 
brickes which hee made, besides thousands which he bought ; the 
sand which he bought come to 500 li and the lead used about the 
house to 500 li . . . 1634 hee diked and quicksetted the great 
pasture feilds beside the house . . . and layd them to pasture, 
which before had been errable ground time out of the memory of 
Man.” Rows of trees, largely ashes, were planted in Kelldane, 
and fruit trees in the orchard by the back door. The whole enter- 
prise cost him £8,000, and he lived to enjoy it barely three years ; 
he was buried in Barham Church, January 12th, 1642, where 
his grandiloquent monument still stands in the south aisle 

Many alterations were made in the interior of Broome Hall when 
it came by purchase into the ownership of Lord Kitchener of 
Khartoum in 1908. The exterior, save for a bay built in the 
eighteenth century by one of the Ladies Oxinden (who had been 
Margaret Chudleigh before her marriage), still keeps its seven- 
teenth century character, the tall red gables, and the mullioned win- 
dows looking out between fair avenues over the park land and 
towards the downs.] 

Mr. Oxinden, 

I request you that you and your wife and the Capt 
that is with yow would be pleased to take the payne to walke 
downe on Thursday next about two of the clocke in the after- 
noone to Broome house wher yow shall meete myselfe and 
the Gentlemen and Gentlewomen which are of my house, 
that are very desirous to see yow all there and to eate a cake 
and drinke a bottle of wine together and soe you are most 
frendly and respectively saluted by 

Your affection, frend 

Basil Dixwell 

Folkston June the nth 1638 





[MS. 27,999, f - 2 94 ] 

[The subject of Baronetcies of Scotland was no doubt suggested to 
Sir Thomas Peyton by the fact that a connection of Henry Oxin- 
den’s, Sir Thomas Piers of Stonepitt, Seale, had been, in 1638, 
created a Baronet of Nova Scotia by King Charles I. The 
Province of Nova Scotia became a part of the Kingdom of Scot- 
land in the previous reign, and was granted, under Great Seal, 
September 10th, 1621, to Sir William Alexander of Menstrie, 
afterwards Earl of Stirling. Alexander procured the approval of 
James I to a scheme for creating in Scotland 44 an hereditary 
dignity under the title of Knights Baronets of Nova Scotia 
The first ten Baronetcies were created between May 28th and 
July 19th, 1625. Each Baronet, in return for a sum of 3,000 
merks (£166 13s. 4d.), received, by way of Barony, a grant of 
16,000 acres in the Royal Province of Nova Scotia : a third of 
this fee went to Sir William Alexander as grantee ; two-thirds 
were to be devoted to 44 setting forth the Plantation In all 
122 Baronets were created by Charles I ; after 1638 the grants of 
land ceased, and Sir Thomas Piers’s creation was one of the last 
eight. 1 ] 

Brother Oxinden, 

I desire you would nott bee forgettfull to gett mee the 
forsaking of Sir Tho: Peirce his horses and yet I would not 
have it knowne that I desire it, because it may enhaunce the 
price which hitherto I dislike, but I suppose they will goe for 
the rate they were bought, and it falls not with in the lists of ill 
husbandry to lett them goe for lesse rather then to stand at 
livery and noe use had of them. Butt now I have begun a 
letter with horses I will not bee soon tyred, butt travell to the 
borders of the paper with some newes which would seeme to 
ride upon the first occasion I tooke to sett out upon here : 
Butt so what I write you may use your historicall faithe only 
and change it upon better advice. 

The state, degree and dignitie of the Scotche Baronett is 
iust in the same esteeme as the nobility of Ireland and Scot- 

1 Complete Baronetage , ed. G.E.C., vol. ii. 1625-41, p. 275. 

I 4 I 


land bee here ; and as noe Irishe viscount can take place 
above those Englishe viscounts here, thoughe not with 
standing they have it above all our Barons, soe the Barts of 
Scotland are belowe those of England but yett superiour to 
knights of all kinds. Only in the repute and esteeme of the 
common Lawe, as alsoe are all forreine Noblemen, they are 
only men without titles, and by moste it is thought the rates 
given for the service (for I dare not say there was anything 
given for the honour, which was ever thought too glorious a 
thing to bee mercenary) was by Englishmen too liberally 
offered, because it is prooved to bee thus diminished, and too 
hastily accepted of by the Scotchmen who herein doe not 
please their country. 

My Lord Marques is expected as soone as the Demands bee 
drawne up, which will bee this weeke : what the Demands 
will bee is by some guessed, which are very intrusive and 
peremptory, butt the times bee soe dangerous that I dare nott 
speake any thing ; lett time bring them forth without any 
monstrousnesse to the world, and then wee shall knowe them 
all with gladnesse. Certayne this is, that they will bring 
forthe a Parliament here in Englande : for whether the king 
comply or confronte their e demands, it is thought they will 
bee such as the kyng will answer with the voyce of the whole 
kingdome. In the meane while is sent into the North parts 
Sir Jacob Astley and sixe Captaines to view the Armes there, 
for the best must bee hoped for and the worst prevented. I 
have sent you such new bookes as are of the rarest perusall : 
here is expected a booke to come out of my Lord of Canter- 
bury of Controversy , 1 written it seemes in Latyne, a tongue of 
large confines : which I hope to bring with mee into Kent if 
it make hast. Wee heare that they begin upon the borders to 
forage and pillage already. I hope the forwardnes will 
suffer for example. In the meane time god keepe us upon 
whom the ends of the world are come : for such the state of 
the age would perswade it to bee when the universall frame 
of nature seemes to bee thus distracted and bodyes Politick as 

1 The Conference with Fisher , published Feb. 10, 1638-9. 



well as naturall grow to that height of distemper as to talke 
Idlely. And soe I end, with my love to yourselfe and my 
sister and am alwaies 

Your assured loving husband (sic) 

Tho: Peyton 

Chelsey . Novemb: 26. 1638 
raptim vee raptim 

My wife remembers her respects to yourselfe and my sister. 



[MS. 27,999, f. 309] 

Good Nephew, 

I spake to old George this morning, who teld me that 
your gelding might very well be led home, but lookinge 
further into your letter I founde you desired direcctions to 
use him when you had him at home, after which I presently 
sent up to him to his house, but he was gone from home so 
that I cannot send you any other direcctions but to use him 
as a sick horse, that is to keepe him warme and give him good 
macche to cherish him. I thancke you for your ill newes. So 
I am 

this 13. Apr , 1639 

Your affectionate uncle 

James Oxinden 



[MS. 27,999, f. 310] 

Loving and Kinde Mother, 

I received your letter wherein you certifie mee that 
you have not had your health verrie well of late, for which I 
am heartilie sorrie. You wondered in your letter that you 
did not heare from mee ; truly Adam Jull told mee three 
weekes agoe or more that hee was to come up and I deferred 



sending because I intended to send by him. Hee sayeth now 
hee will come up without faile uppon Mooneday next, but in 
regard you seemed in your letter to desire to have your boxe 
sent up in hast I have accordingly done itt. I shall send up 
the monie that I owe my brother Barrow by him &c, as allsoe 
certifie you of my resolution in comeing to London. Here 
have beene divers soldiers pressed to goe for Scotland ; it 
fell to Joanes and Soles lott to have gon but wee found a way 
to gett them off : it alsoe fell to my lott to send a light horse 
and to divers of the prebends, but they procured themselves to 
gett off and I thinke the Laytie fared the better ; so as I am 
in hopes to send none. The Lady Oxinden is come out of h er 
chamber agayne. The Lady Peirce was brought to bed uppon 
Fryday night of a boy. My wife and myselfe remember our 
duties unto you and our love to my Brother and Sister 
Barrow and my Sister Elizabeth and all my Cozins. Pray if 
my sister Elizabeth may marry well in London, not to neglect 
itt : for good husbands are hard to bee gott here. Thus 
praying god to send you your health, desiring you to send 
these two incloased letters to the places mentioned uppon 
them, I rest and am 

Your loving and dutiful sonne 

Henrie Oxinden 



[MS. 27,999, 3°8] 

Cozin Oxinden, 

My Lady Palmer hath intreated mee to use my best 
interest with you to gett her some Rabits against thirsday 
morning ; the courtesie is as yett only to bee acknowledged 
from mee, beecause shee would have her husban wonder 
where shee gott them. Pray oblige mee so farre as to use your 
best indeavour to gett some and to write me an answere. 
There is a great deale of companie to dine there on thirsday 
among which I am to bee one. I have beene so taken up by 



invitations and hindr.ed by my mare, which hath a gated 
backe, that I have not been so happy as to wait on you, which 
I much longe to doe and will effect so soone as it lies in my 
power. In hast I rest 

Your Frend and Servant 

Henry Oxinden 

Dene , Apr: 1639 

Pray write mee word whether you thinke you can cacth 
any or no, and shee shall send for them in the morning if 
you can. 



[MS. 27,999, f * 3 00 1 
Bro: Oxinden, 

I am sorry my occasion did soe suddenly snatch mee 
out of London that I could not stay to send you a second 
letter as I intended, full fraught with newes. For two of my 
letters, by the strict Lawe of Salis, could hardly make a re- 
compense for one I received from you ; and therefore I must 
rest in your debt unlesse this pay some of it, which it can 
hardly doe because it tends to oblige mee more unto you and 
nott to discharge anything of what I owe. My businesse now 
is to intreate you to joyne with mee for securitye of the 
300 11 which Mr. Country hath provided for mee, and to that 
purpose to take thy paines to meet mee at Canterbury to- 
morrowe about eleven a clocke. 

I have made soe good use of my time in London this 
terme that I shall bee prepared to pay all my high and mighty 
debts honestly and truely : which is nott only a joy to mee 
butt to all my neighbours I suppose, who thinke it a good 
hearing that theyr equalls fall in their fortunes ; butt I hope 
it is to rise with a greater force. 

I doe appoint tomorrowe though it bee iuste a day too 
soone ; because I have promised Mr. Oxinden to meete him 
k HS 


upon Fryday about Eythome to hunte, where joyne with his 
bloody persecutors the noe lesse bloody persecutors of Mr. 
Tooke of Beere, who altogether are like to make it a day of 
great noyse and tumult. And soe desiring an intimation 
from you of your disposition to what I have propounded, with 
my love to yourselfe and your wife our sister 
I rest 

Your assured lo: brother 

Knolton. Tho: Peyton 

This Thursday morning. 




[MS. 27,999, f. 31 1] 


I am to meet with the high Sheriff and the Deane of 
Canterbury tomorrow a hunting, otherwise I should have 
bee forward to have made on of your companie to morrow : 
howsoever my minde and affection shall give them selves the 
honour to bee present with you and to wish you much mirth 
and all hapines. I cannot but condole with you for the losse 
of your horse, and I wish that this may bee a warning to you 
heereafter not to preferre a pretended farrier before an ex- 
perienced one. Pray present my servis to my brother 
Master and tell him I will not fayle him to call him att Wing- 
ham about ten of the clocke : He shall meet with Sir Thomas 
Palmer tomorrow att Dover where hee may apoint him also 
the houre 

I am your freind and kinsman 

Henry Oxinden 

My mother hath sent my cosin such things as shee hath, 
this cold weather hath hindred that you have so good store 
as shee wishes. The Sparagus must bee but a little more 
then scalded. 

Aprill the 21 1639 




[MS. 28,000, f. 177] 

[Sir Edward Master of Ospringe, third son of James Master of 
East Langdon, married an heiress, Etheldreda Streynsham ; he 
was High Sheriff 15 Charles I (1639). “ My brother Masters ” 
was his son, Richard, married (1626) to Anne, da. of Sir James 
Oxinden and sister of Henry of Deane : they were parents of 
twenty children in twenty-three years. 

Sir John Manwood was son of Sir Peter Manwood and grand- 
son of the more famous Sir Roger. It was he who sold the family 
seat at Hackington in 1637 to Colonel Thomas Colepepir. He 
was a Gentleman of the Privy Chamber, Lieutenant Governor of 
Dover Castle, and, in 1640, M.P. for Sandwich. He m. Levina, 
da. of Sir John Ogle, Governor of Utrecht, and died 1653. 

A fragment of a letter from Henry of Barham to Henry of 
Deane (f. 245) remains to suggest what ground of offence had 
arisen between the cousins. It runs : 

... In the midst of my vexation I have this to comfort me, 
that I am confident those [illegible] politicians will bee as much the 
better for all there projects as these gentlemen were who made a 
hedge to fence in a bird : the bird toke her course and they 
remayned as wise as before. I have this likewise to console mee, 
that my enemies are palpably knowne to have their owne ends by 
him who, in his counsell, must needs acquit mee. I have also 
to comfort mee that [erased] will bee as much the better for them 
as Icarus was for his new proiected wings, or as I am like to bee 
the heavier for the discovery of their folly ; to which I leave, 
having no longer time to manifest it, and rest 
Yours never the lesse 

Henry Oxinden] 

Cozin Oxinden, 

I received your lettre this morning by your little 
Mercurie, and was almost readie to take horse to meet my 
brother Masters ahunting, whose father, Sir Edward is high 
Sherieff and this night hee intends to go and congratulat him 
and there lie. Yett I intreat to send your grayhounds 
notwithstanding ; for all his absence I would have met you 
there, but that hee told mee last Saterday at Dene that Sir 
John Manwood tooke it very ill that Gentillmen did course 



without his leave and warrant, and therupon fell on very 
angry termes, which I forbeare now to tell you : so that my 
brother told me that should take it kindly and a great honour 
to entertayne [MS. tom] and your companie, and did much 
desire it, [MS. torn] or after coursing, but hee would not 
accompany you in your Sport for a great matter ; for the 
same cause pray excuse mee ; butt for yesterdayes worke I 
dare begg no excuse, but absolutely leave the remission of my 
fault to your clemencie and mercie, for I protest to you and 
by God I never thought of it, nether came it to my mind till 
aftemoone. Pray assure yourselfe that no state policie can 
alter of the immutability of the love of 

[Signature cut off but the writing is that of Henry Oxinden of 


[MS. 27,999, f * 313 ] 

[“ Mr. Streetehay ” was Thomas Barrow's partner in business 
(cf. Letter CLVIII). 

Timothy St. Nicholas, whose widow had re-married, belonged 
to the ancient family of St. Nicholas (Seniclas) originally owners 
of the Manor of Goshall in Ash next Sandwich, who continued to 
live in that parish and neighbourhood till the reign of Charles 
II, when the line died out.] 

Loving and Kinde Mother, 

I have stayd writing unto you because I did desire 
Adam Jull should bee the bearer of my letter, who had come 
to London before now had not some occasions hindered him. 
I saw my brother Adam’s maister in the Countrie, who, with 
some other companie that came with him, dined at my house. 
I received a paire of gloves from Mr. Streetehay which were 
sent unto my wife, shee retumes thankes for them. Sir 
James Oxinden and my cozin Henrie Oxinden will bee att 
London this Tearme ; as concerning my coming although I 
have a greate desire to see you and should have bene glad to 
have seene some other of my Friends, yett because mony is soe 



hard to come by, and I could not come up (espeacially in tearme 
time) without expence, I am forced to stay att home. Some 
time after the tearme I intend, God willing, to come and see 
you. All thinges in the countrie are extreame dead by reason 
of the rumour of warres ; they that have monie will not part 
with itt ; they that have none cannott. 

I have sent you 3 1 . I s . 6 d being Prebutes our Lady dayes 
rent and 2 1 being Claringbols our Lady dayes rent, in all the 
summe of 5 1 . I s . 6 d . Hee doth desire mee to stay in his 
house a yeare longer. I told him I durst not lett it him 
till I heared from you ; I desire you to bee pleased to lett 
him, in regard hee payeth his rent reasonably well and there 
will bee 40 s a yeare lost if the house stand emptie. I 
formerly certified you that I did by your own permission 
hire Mr. John Swann your bricke house till St. Michaell. 
Your Tenant Woollett, who hath marryed widow Falkner, 
and I cannot agree, insomuch as I shall take it as one of the 
greatest favoures you can doe mee if you will assigne over 
his lease to mee ; if I fade in paying your rent you shall 
re-enter and have it againe, so that it will not bee a farthing 
damage to you, and then if hee carrie himselfe noe better I 
am resolved to re-enter uppon him. What newes is in 
our partes Adam Jull I suppose will relate with advantage : 
my sonne Thomas hath beene at schoole at Mr. Drayton’s 
ever since Easter weeke ; Mr. Swan and his wife goe this 
weeke to live at Fredfeild : his two daughters are to goe 
to schoole at Ashford. Sir Basil Dixwell talketh of going 
backe to live at Folkestone at St. Michaell next. Daphne is 
well : I have had of late a verie greate losse, for the gelding I 
bought of Mr. John Swan, which I would not have taken 20 u 
for, is dead. This is all I can certifie you of at this time, and 
therefore with my dutie remembred unto you and my love 
to my sisters I rest 

Your dutifull and obedient Sonne 
May 12 1639 Henrie Oxinden 

Mr. Harris is married to Timothy St. Nicholas his widow. 





[MS. 27,999, f. 104] 


I reseved your letter and the 5 poune is and sixpence 
it came in good time for i did much want munni and was faine 
to borrow of my sonn Barrow to pay my Dockter an for other 
thinges an shale not yet pay him ; munni is as hard to comby 
heare as it can be in the conterri, the shopkepperes doe much 
complaine they can get no munni my cossen Pettet sent a 
note for the munni Bes oedd hem soe i was faine to lend her a 
poune od munni if the eaire in London did agree with mee i 
thinke i shold not stay heare it tise so chargabel liveing heare 
and to so littel purpose as I am wereri of it. Conserning 
Clarringhole an the widdow Fakelle [Falkner] wee will talke 
of it when wee meete for if you doe not com up after the 
tearme yet I will com doune before midsommer i had written 
unto you long before this time but som ocasiones has made 
mee defer it. i have sent a kee by Gooddi Gull pray loke 
in the trunke for a paire of skurtes to a spotted satten goune 
they bee hole skurtes taide with a black bone lase, praye if 
you can finde them send them up next weeke ; if you cannot 
finde them pray send mee word, i wold in larg my letter 
but i cannot at this time veri well to write this, with my love 
to my Dafter an your selfe praying to for your helthe an 
happines I rest 

K. O. 

[May 1639] 

i was yesterday to see Addam hee is well and M s a Brooks 
he commenes much of his entertainement hee had at your 
house. M s a Hadnam made Addames sute an Cloke againes 
ester for then his master did expect them. 

I S° 



[MS. 28,000, f. 38] 


Heere is no newes thats good and therefore the more 
unfitt or att least unsafe to write. Godd may please to tume 
the hearts of the rebells to submitt to our gratious King’s will, 
butt as yett, as I heare, they are more absolutely resolv’d to 
entertayne an army of thirtie or 40 thousand men then a cant 
of five or six Bishops ; the King is yett att new castle and itts 
sayd will shortly goe to Barwicke and so towards Scottland, 
but hee will first reinforce his army, and to that end there’s a 
great presse to bee made now in London and forces to be 
raised out of the countries about, but its sayd there shall be 
none out of Kent. The King hath sent them a gratious pro- 
clamation butt they most ungratiously have refus’d it, and 
not suffer’d it to bee proclam’d amongst them. Sir you are 
likely very shortly to receive the honour of a salute in a letter 
from the King for some moneys. I will say no more to you 
att this time but what I have often sayd, that I am 
Your frend and Servant 

Henry Oxinden 

[Conjectural date May 1639] 



[MS. 27,999, f. 315] 

Loving and Kinde Mother, 

I have received your letter wherein you have sent for 
10 11 for your selfe and 4 11 for my sister Elizabeth, which mony 
I have sent you, although I made hard shift for itt. I have 
allsoe sent io 11 for my brother James and I desire you to gett 
my brother Barrow to send it to him in all haste. Pray per- 
swade my brother James to stay some time at Oxford now 
hee is there, for one yeares study there now will doe him a 



hundred pounds worth of good ; besides itt is chargeable 
travelling too and froo ; I and my wife sent you letters de- 
siring your companie att our house in regard yours will nott 
bee at libertie untill St. Michaell ; wee should have beene 
glad of your companie and have endeavoured to give you 
content. I desire you to lett this encloased letter be sent to 
my brother James. Pray remember my love to my brother 
and sister Barrow and to my brother Adam and the rest of my 
Friends and soe in hast, committing you to the protection of 
Allmightie God, I rest 

Your loving and dutifull sonne 

Henrie Oxxnden 

June 10 th, 1639 

To the worthy and his verie loving Mother Ms Katherine 
Oxinden att the signe of the Maydenhead att the upper end 
of Cheapeside these in hast. . . . 



[MS. 28,000, f. 176] 

Worthy Cozen, 

I spake to Sir Thomas Palmer that hee would not take 
it ill if you followed the law against his man for stealing your 
conies, his answere to mee was very colerik and rash and sayd 
you did him a great discourtesie to take away his man now 
he had so earnest and important occasions for him, being 
harvest and hee his picher, but you might prosecute the 
others now and after harvest hang his man if hee deserved it. 
Moreover he does thinke no iustice of peace will be so dis- 
courteous as to send a warrant for his man without writing 
him a letter before hand to certifie him the busines, such 
things are us’d to clownds, never to gentlemen. Lastly hee 
will on no termes grant leave, wherfore I have return’d your 
warrant unexecuted, and of this I will talke to you off more at 



larg tomorrow morning att the Beacon, where pray faile not 
to meete att seaven of the clok. 

I am your frend and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

this busines is of waight, fayle not. 



[MS. 27,999, f- 318] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I desire you to excuse mee in that I have not satissfied 
your command in giveinge you a longer warninge to provide 
moneys for mee, the Act and other occasions have hindred 
mee from writinge : I praye you if you can with anie conven- 
iencie to healp mee with io 11 within this five weeks. I am 
not ignorant of your great occasions to use moneys this harvest 
time and were not my occasions urgent I would not bee soe 
urgent with you. 

For Mr. Holt, hee hath not beene in this Universitie this 
2 yeeres, I heere hee is at his Liveinge in or about the borders 
of Kent. 1 As for newes heere is but little, beinge quite out 
of the roade. An Act heere was, and a great cumpanie of 
Doctors that proceeded, there questions and names you may 
reade in this paper inclos’d. Praye remember my duty to 
my Mother and doe mee that Curtesie as to write mee word 
where shee liveth. Thus with my heartie love remembred 
unto you, I rest 

Your loveinge Brother 

James Oxinden 

From Oxford Aug . the 30 1639 

1 Cranley, in Surrey. 





[MS. 27,999, f * 320] 


I heare there is a great fleet of Spaniards chased in to 
the downs by the Hollanders, whose Sight is related to mee 
to bee worth the veiwing, and the hearing of the newes of their 
tedious and bloudy fight worth our paines riding thither ; 
wherefore if you please to do mee the favour to accompanie 
mee to Deale, I shall bee beholding to you, in hope you will 
not repent your ioumey ; pray send me an answere, and if you 
come lett itt bee early in the morning tomorrow and wee will 
call att Knowlton to see if Sir Thomas Peyton will goe, in 
hast I rest 

Your frend and kinsman 

Sept . the 12 th 1639 Henry Oxinden 



[MS. 27,999, f - 322] 

Cozin Oxinden, 

I shall be a punctuall observer of your commands ; 
heere is butt little newes neither, the Scotts are as disobedient 
and insolent as ever, I heare they make foure demands of the 
king ; the first is that they would have him, the king, grant 
subsides to levie money, as well on them that where att 
King’s side as others, towards the bearing of the charges they 
have been att, the 2 that whereas the king granted them an 
act of oblivion they scome it, and will have an act of pacifica- 
tion, the third they will have a new State of parliament 
created where there shall bee no clergie, the fourth is that they 
will chuse the rulers and magistrats of their countrie them 
selves. The fift I leave to you to make. I want your com- 
panie much heere, but your more wise then to afford itt mee. 
I am weary of the towne and stay butt for my father to 



releive mee ; the best pastime I find heere is att the ordinarie, 
where wee have varietie of humors, discourse and opinions, 
but I keepe constant my humor which is ever to bee 
Your affectionat kinsman and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

London Oct . the 31 1639 


[MS. 27,999, f. 324] 

Bro: Oxinden, 

Your letter was every line a courtesie, and altogether 
made up such a summe of friendly offices as I must make my 
heires and posterity liable to discharge as well as myselfe ; 
for if you should extend all the acctions of my life to waite on 
you, I shoulde have yett much unpaide. And your kindnes 
too had an operation which you knew nott of I perceive at 
the writing of your letter : eo enim momento quo recepi 
a te litteras, veniunt inter manus etiam a Paulo Countreo 1 
aliae quibus nummos mihi parasse scribit : et hoc fieri tuo 
solo studio satis intelligo. 

I understand your conceit alsoe of the scarcitie of king’s 
silver in Kent ; which I knew before ; butt there will bee 
remedy for this if one part of Kent bee solde to helpe another, 
as I heare it is, and the Parish of Wrotham charged to supply 
the poore of the Parish of Chartham. My letter must want its 
omamentall part, which is newes ; for where nothing is to 
[be] had the king must loose his right : butt certaynely great 
matters are preparing, which how the subject will digest I 
know nott. 

This day Mr. Oxenden carried mee to an Ordinary, where 
my understanding was much improved, for there a certayne 
immoral fry read Lectures of their owne vanities or gave 
intelligence of their friendes. I know now what young 

1 The Contrys were merchants in Canterbury, cf. Arch. Cant., xxv. 
p. 275. 



meteors of the towne have the poxe and who hath undertooke 
to cure them and who gave it them too. I know where the 
last quarrell was and how they came off. I know where the 
best Clarett is and the best Sack. I know who feares the 
Streete for a sort of men that are sent abroad to carry captive 
souldjers. I know there never was suche an age as this is, 
and men had need of excellent virtues to live in it. 

I adjoume what I have more to say till my next letter. In 
the meane time I should bee glad to find all wayes to show 
myselfe to you in direct or collaterall offices, which I hope 
you conceive aright, 

Your very lo: brother 

Tho: Peyton 

London: Novemb . 7. 1639 



[MS. 27,999, f - 326] 

Generous Squyre, 

Marsh was at Arundell House and toke up his bond to 
the Messenger and put in new bond to appere at any tyme 
at your sute upon 3 days’ warning, if the Arbitrators shall not 
make an end of the difference in the Contry. In the meane 
tyme I here that his Sonne that did marry Henry Saunders’ 1 
daughter hath ben with Sir John Borough, Garter King of 
Armes, to get himselfe adorned with a coate ; they say it is 
don but I am no ways partie to it, I thank god. 

Your busines is so stated you cannot suffer, and if the 
Accord do not go on, let me here of you and I shall bring it to 
hereing when you please, and it shall please me ever to be 
Your faithfull servaunt 

Jo: Philipott Somersett 

12 Novemb. 1639. 

1 Anne, daughter of Henry Sanders of Canterbury. 





[MS. 27,999, f. 334] 

Good Brother, 

I have received your letter and the io u you sent mee 
up and my Brother Barrowe the 4 11 , it came in verrie good 
time because I was verrie much necessitated and allmost gon 
before I receiv’d it. 

Conceminge my staye heere at Oxford, I am the more 
willinge because your command, which I doo perswade my 
selfe is for the best because yours, whome I have alwayes 
found carefull beyound the nature of a Brother and my 

I have writ a letter to Sir Thomas Peyton accordinge to 
your command ; I have sent it unseald because I would have 
you peruse it, which if you thinke fittinge I desire you to 
conveigh unto him, if not to the fire ; for my part I was never 
delighted in complements, nor am I soe much Leamd in his 
nature as to knowe to write unto him, or what will bee 
accepted by him. Concerninge the best commentators I 
cannot as yet certifie you, there are soe many ; the next letter 
I write I will learn them out. I shall have neede of 7 11 
ag st Christmas, which I desire you not to faile to send mee. 
Praye certifie mee of the health of all my Friends and re- 
member my best respects, as allsoe to yourselfe and your 
seacond selfe to both whome I rest 

In all servise to be commanded 

James Oxinden 

From Oxf. <) b6r 25 1639 

Sent this monie to Canterburie by Nicholas Coper 
Dec. 17. 1639, t0 bee conveid to him by my brother Barrow, 
viz. 7 11 . 

I S7 


henry oxinden’s Copy of the Letter to 


[MS. 27,999, f - 335] 

Worthye Sir, 

Your promises to mee, which are so farr beyond my 
desert, deserve noe lesse then a gratefull remembrance from 
me ; and it hath not beene the least of my thoughts and desire 
to write unto you, but that I feared least avoyding one 
rocke, which is ingratitude, I should run uppon another, the 
desturbance of your more serious occasions. I know that 
your noble disposition neede not bee put in minde, and instig- 
ations to a willing nature are clogs not furtherances. It is 
the adulterate kind of way to extract a favour by complement. 
True charitie is naturall and bestowes her favours not uppon 
cry but uppon the man. The deepest waters make the best 
murmuring, and they have not allwayes the greatest deserts of 
Charitie who are the greatest beggers ; want of Rhetorick to 
some proves the best Rhetorician to perswade, and silence is 
sometime both the complementer and the intercessor. It 
shall bee my desire with the Philosopher /Escanes (were I 
a present fit for you) me ipsum dare, and not with the poet 
verba Dare. Under whom if I have that happines as to be 
patronized, it should not bee the least of my study to deserve 
your favours. In the meane time I rest 

Yours in all service to be commanded 

James Oxinden 

From Oxford. 

No: 25. 1639 

CXL (Draft) 


[MS. 27,999, f - 2 47 v 0 
Good Brother, 

I have received your letter dated No. 25, 1639, and 
in that another enclosed to Sir Tho: Peyton, to whom I meane 



to send it when I find the most convenient time : I am re- 
solved (seeing I have found you willing to follow my direc- 
tions) omnem movere lapidem to doe you the best good in 
my power, and if I shall faile one way I will endeavour to 
speede another. I doe persuade myselfe you will not doe 
amisse to stay out some small time where you are, in regard 
when you shall come from thence I shall not prefer you 
anie more to retume to either universitie. Wherefore I pray 
make the utmost benefit in your studies can possible during 
this last halfe yeare, and be sure to learne all the best com- 
mentators uppon each booke of the old and new testament, 
and seing your time is short there, dwell not upon any author, 
but take a superficiall veiw of all choice ones, that hereafter 
if occasion serves you may know which of them to make use 
of for your purpose ... 1 pray take an exact survey of all the 
Colliges and remarkable places about Oxford and learne who 
are the governours of them, as allsoe their nature and disposi- 
tion &c. If I may advise you to that I have bene deficient in 
myselfe, let mee wish you now to begin to studie men, for 
everie rationall man is a living book. I have according to 
your desire sent you *j n m Your friends are all in good health, 
more particularly our mother and sister and your nephew 
Thomas Oxinden cui non secundus. Pray take it not amiss 
that [lines erased]. Brother James I am not ignorant that 
you ar far better able to counsel mee then I you, yet I thought 
good to let you understand my opinion, you being liberum 
arbitrum to choose what you please, and pray imagine that it 
is out of a singular affection to you that I doe it, otherwise I 
could better have let it alone. And though perhaps another 
brother may be nearer to you in affection then myselfe, yett 
you shall never find one more real and more desirous to doe 
you good then I am. 

Dec . 17 1639 

1 Several lines here erased. 

I S 9 




[MS. 27,999, f - 338 ] 


Tomorrow I retume to the Shrine to worship my Diete 
[Deity] and to re-offer my Selfe a Sacrifice att the alter of her 
Mercy, and I desire to carry your prayers and some peace 
offring along with mee that my ioumey may bee the more 
prosperous. Had you had such view as I wherein perpetuall 
blis or torment doth consist, I should have congratulated or 
condol’d with you ere this, butt since old oblivion, for so I 
terme her, being from the beginning her dogge trick to bee 
most busie and present when frends are most in adversitie, 
since shee I say, that Eve’s serpent, hath so stupifid your 
braines as to make you forgett your best frends, shee shall bee 
for ever accursed of mee, and avoyded as the greatest enimie to 
true frendshippe. Lett mee once more intreat your com- 
panie and consell, and that this day, itt being never more 
needfull then now in this presumtious and doubtfull attempt ; 
and remember the old saying that amicus certis etc. Denie 
not neither fayle to come, least I do as Absalome did to Joab, 
do you mischiefe to make you come to mee. Consider of this ; 
in the meane time I continue 

Your immutable freind 

Henry Oxinden 

Decemb: zqth. 




[MS. 28,000, f. 2] 

[At this time there were Crayfords living at Ware in the parish of 
Ash. One brother, George Crayford, was married to Margaret, 
daughter of Edward Boys of Betshanger. The head of the 
family, Sir William Crayford of Mongeham, was connected with 
the Oxindens of Deane, through his wife, Cordelia Nevinson, a 



niece of Lady Oxinden. The “ Mr. Crayford ” of the letter 
cannot be identified, but he was not, as is rather implied, a member 
of Parliament.] 

Bro: Oxinden, 

I could nott expect soe Laborious a testimony of your 
willingnes to satisfy my desires, whiche since it is soe under- 
taken by you I muste you intreate to receive my thanks here 
for it, or some performance of the promise I made you, 
according as the time will give mee leave which I snatch from 
the disturbances of both private and publique affaires Butt 
before I come to it I must interprett a word in my last letter 
as you enjoyne mee, which you call an extraordinary epithet 
to the race horses, which hath disturb’d your bookes and 
friends, and truely it being written in some dispatch I cannott 
well and certaynely call it to mind, unlesse yt was that I 
named them Dromicall horses ; which I doubt whether that 
were the word or noe, because you charge itt for a word whose 
caput est in nubibus, such difficulty you pretend it carries ; 
to you that are a graduate for your sufficiency in the Greeke I 
wonder it should bee soe obscure. I confesse I did read it in 
Godw: Antiq: where you may find inter Ludes Circenses some- 
thing to this Purpose, that horses brought into the Cirque 
were of two sorts ; some were iro^irLKoi such as were led 
up and downe for state, and such horses hee understands 
Josiah to have taken away, 2 k. 23 . 1 1 . , which I have observed 
in my bible and this the first use I have bin putt to make of it, 
which was a tencture received of Persian superstition, quod 
fusius vide in the author himselfe. Other horses were for 
exercise and race, which he calls SpofxiKos, the institution of 
which hee refers to the honor of Neptune, who was the first 
author of horse riding and was thence called i-mriog, (I thinke 
Spo/ixo? or hnroSpojuLos is Greke too and you know the meaning). 
And therefore the Roman horsemen gave a sky-coloured 
Banner which resembled the colour of the sea and they 
thought was acceptable to him. Of the first sort, the king at his 
riding to Parliament had one led by the Marques Hamilton, 1 

1 C/. p* 136. 

L l6l 


Master of the Horse. Of the second, Mr. Crayford and 
the rest. And now take mee nott for a Graecian for that I 
have saide. A mery Greeke sometimes I am indeed and noe 
other Greeke I have, nor other language, only desirous to 
improve reason I read sometimes to satisfie my owne private 
quaeres et ignorance, nott to confound learned men and ther 
bookes and frends with words newborne. And though I have 
beene long in this I will not abate of what I intended to write 
you concerning our Parliament proceedings. The riding to 
the Parliament I did see, and from shewe I can give you butt 
this observation, more then what was usual forme and state, 
that the Bishops only did ride, many of them on bob-tayPd 
horses, fitter for Mrs Crayford in my opinion at Bridghill then 
for an Ecclesiasticall Baron's gravity and reverence there. 
What succeeded was of course that day and soe the next 
when they presented their speaker ; from thence I conceyve 
they began to see fitt to agitate for discourse of businesse. 
The Committee of Privileges was then named, to which we 
are humble Petitioners for the reparation of our wrongs, 
which petition of ours they have yett, and till Tuesday or 
Thursday are nott like to come to a hearing ; but while you 
hiere our businesse spoke of, I pray make a terrible report of 
our machinations here, to fright the Maltman Vice Roy of 
Sandwiche, for soe his autority and place denominate him. 
And in sober sence wee make no doubt to give ourselves ample 
satisfaction, only we are aggreived at this delay, that wee are 
not helpers to the first and braver actions. One fault was 
observ'd to bee committed in the Lower house by one Mr. 
Grimeston, who first spake in the house and iump’d upon the 
greivences of our state untimely and too early, which speech 
was endeavoured to bee qualified by Sir Benjamin Raudyere ; 
yett feared nott Sir Francis Seymour to say as much agen and 
compared our affayres to the bondage of Israelites in Egypt, 
with whose speech the session ended for that day. Yester- 
day one Mr. Rous, whether out of some daunt at the assembly, 
or zeale to his cause, or abundance of matter, made a good 
butt a confused speeche, declaring the greivances of state. 



Upon whose conclusion presently arose Mr. Pimme, an 
ancient and stoute man of the Parliament, that ever zealously 
affected the good of his Country, who as yett only made the 
full complaint of the Commons, for hee left nott anything 
untouched, Shipmoney, Forrests, Knighthood, Recusants, 
Monopolies, the present inclination of our Churche to 
Popery, and more then my memory can suggest to mee, and 
in the close desired the Lower house to move the Upper in 
an humble request that they would bee pleased to joyne with 
them in a petition to the king for redresse of all those greiv- 
ances. Butt though I am in Fry day, yett lett mee goe back 
a little a day and tell you a remarkeable passage in the Upper 
house on Thursday : my Ld. of Canterbury moved that the 
house might bee adjourned since a weeke, because the 
Bishops having occasion to bee present at the convocation 
could nott at such times bee there. My Ld. Say answered 
that it was never knowne that the house was adjourned for 
the Bishops, and if the Bishops had those occasions they 
might attend them, and the Lords could sitt and goe forward 
with any businesse without them. Then my Ld. Keeper 
mooved that it might bee his humble request to the Lords 
that the house might bee adjourned till Saterday, this day, 
by reason hee found himselfe at some ill ease, which was con- 
descended unto, and my Ld. Say agen reply’d and requested 
that the recorde might bee made that at my Ld. Keeper’s sute 
the house was adjourned. 

[Gap in MS.] 

Thus farre I wrote on Saterday, but because my letter would 
nott goe till Munday night, and being desirous to give you an 
account of as much time as I may, I have added what follows. 

And first upon Saterday they did little, because they could 
not agree where to begin their greivances, butt in the end 
elected a Committee which is to prepare and prefere the 
businesse to the house. 

And these smart proceedings doe cause a murmure about 
the Towne that the Parliament will dissolve, butt wee hope 
nott : however wonderfulle things are about to be brought 



forthe. On Munday they cast bones one at another all the 
day, for soe Sir Peter Heyman’s phrase was, which was I 
thinke contradicting one another’s opinions. 

I am at this instant I am in hast to bed-ward ; my next 
letter shall satisfy you more, and when I am of the house most 
of all. In the meane time I am notwithstanding 

Your lo: brother 

Tho: Peyton 

April 20 1640. Fry day 

CXLIII {Draft) 

[MS. 27,999, ff. 250V, 251, 25 IV.] 

[In 1609 Leeds Abbey, Kent, actually a Priory of Austin Canons, 
founded by Robert de Crevecoeur in 1 1 19, was sold by one William 
Covert to Sir William Meredith of Stansty, Co. Denbigh. The 
fine mansion, described by Henry Oxinden, which stood three- 
quarters of a mile west of Leeds Castle, has now disappeared, 
all but the gate-house. 

The first Sir William Meredith married Jane, daughter of Sir 
Henry Palmer of Wingham : their only son, the next Sir William, 
was the father of the fair Elizabeth, bride to Henry Oxinden of 
Deane, as well as of four sons and five other unmarried daughters. 
The precocious boy of this Letter seems to have died early. In 
1758, under the will of Mrs. Susanna Meredith, the Abbey came to 
Sir George Oxenden, a direct descendant of Henry and Elizabeth. 1 ] 

To Sir Thomas Peyton. 

Noble Sir, 

I can certifie you of noe newes save that uppon the 
14 day of April [1640] the wedding betweene my Cozen 
Henry Oxinden and Mistris Elizabeth Meredith was solemn- 
ized. I know not whether you have ever seene her or noe : 
if you have not, it is not likely that you can doe it by my de- 
scription, being not able to expresse the beautie of a Lady 
soe faire, as I thinke Fame it selfe dares not bee soe bold to 
call any fairer ; and that which makes her fairenes much the 
fairer is that it is but a faire embassadour of a most faire mynd, 

1 Hasted, History of Kent , vol. ii. pp. 479-482. 



full of wit and a wit more delighted to iudge itselfe then to 
shew it selfe : her speech being as rare as pretious ; her 
silence without sullennes ; her modesty without affectation ; 
her shamfastnes without ignorance, in summe a lady of such 
excellency in all guifts allotted to reasonable creatures that 
one may thinke she was borne to show that nature was no 
stepmother to that sexe in whom, allthough the greatest thing 
the world can shew is her beautie, soe the least thing that 
may bee praysed in her is her fame : but in vaine goe I about 
in a definite compass to sett out infinite beauty ; [a few words 
deleted here] this aforesaid wedding was kept from Thursday 
till Saterday at Leedes Abbey, a house sufficiently famous for 
its antiquity, it being built by Sir Robt. Crevequer, a noble- 
man of Normandy and Knight to Willm. the Conqueror, in 
the year of our redemption 1107, consecrated to the honour 
of our Lord Jesus Christ and St. Nicholas. It was valued in 
the records of the suppression at 3 6z n yearely revenewe and 
of late much enlarged and beauttified by Sir William Meredith, 
a man excelling in the zealous love of all his neighbours, 
wherein hee doth not only pass his predecessors but I thinke 
all men in that countrie, whereof the cause is [this], though hee 
exceed most in vertues which get admiration, a depth of wis- 
dome, a hight of courage, yet is hee notable in those which 
stire affection, as truth of word, meeknes, sobriety [word ille- 
gible] and liberality. This house is excellently situated, having 
all commodity belonging to it, insomuch as one would thinke 
that heaven and earth had conspired to make it a paradise ; 
the house itselfe hath its fundation uppon a rocke of stone, 
not affecting so much any extraordinary kind of finenes as an 
honorable representing of a firme statelines. The lights, 
doores and staires directed both to the use of the guest and to 
the eye of the spectator, each roome in it both handsome and 
curious, amongst which the hall and the gallerie are incom- 
parable ; in short it is a house which in consideration both of 
the aire, the prospect and the nature of the ground, (all 
necessary additions to a great house) might welle show the 
owner to know that provision is the fundation of hospitality 



and thrift the secrett of magnificence. Not far from it are 
hills which garnish their proude heights with Knolle-like 
trees : humble valleys whose least estate seemeth comforted 
with silver streames ; meadows enameld with all sorts of 
very pleasing flowers ; thickets lined with most pleasant 
shade, in which the nightingales strive one with the other 
which should in most dainty variety excel one the other. 
There the fresh and delightfull breezes slowly slide away, as 
loath to leave the company of soe many things viewed in per- 
fection, and with sweete murmure lament their forced de- 
parture ; the trees seeme to maintaine their flourishing old 
age with the only happines of their soule, being clothed with 
a continuall spring because noe beautie there should ever 
fade. The flowers by shewinge how they seem most diverse 
have arrived to that perfection to surpasse each other in 
beauty, each one of which would require a man's wit to know 
and his life to expresse. Certainly, certainly, it must needes 
be that one little lesse [than] goddesse inhabiteth the place 
who is the soule of the soule, for neither is one any lesse then 
a goddesse to be shrined in a heape of pleasures in soe perfect 
a modell of the celestial dwelling. Here were wee inter- 
tained more like Princes then servants, all the elements being 
robbed of the choicest of their creatures to serve us, which 
they did everie day in such abundance as wee thought that 
they strived each day to excell the other in plenties and rari- 
ties, but all the wishes bestowed did not so much enrich nor 
all the daily devises so much delight, as the fairenes of my 
coz Oxinden’s mistris, who, as she went to the Temple to bee 
married, her eies themselves seemed a Temple wherein love 
and beauty weare married : her lips though they were kept 
close with modest silence, yet with a prety kind of naturall 
swelling they seeme to invite the guests that looke on them, 
her cheekes blushing, and withall when shee was spoke unto 
a little smiling, were like roses when their leaves are with a 
little breath stirred ; to be short no words can her perfections 
tell in whose each part all joyes may dwell. 

I had almost forgot to speake of the mother of this creature, 



(BART. 1678.) 

From a portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the possession of Sir Charles Holmes. 
Photographer, Donald Macbeth. 


(if it bee lawfull to call her a creature) whose wisdome and 
partes as favorable therunto are such that they are rather 
subiects of admiration then imitation, and that I doe not 
hyperbolize (being against my nature to doe soe) all that know 
her neighbour can testifie. 

Doubtlesse if you were acquainted with her you would 
judge her (and I have ever held your judgement excelent) 
fitter to rule a kingdome then a private family. From her is 
issued a sonne, who now being about the age of 12 yeares will 
at one reading repeate any chapter in the old or newe testa- 
ment which was asked, and this experto crede Henric. Verily 
this were a wonder in another, though not in him, for wonders 
are noe wonders proceding from a wonderfull subiect. 

When I made experiment of this in him, and found him to 
doe it in the Canonicall bookes, I turned him to the Apochry- 
phicall (knowing hee was not much used to the reading of 
them) where hee did the like, whereby I found that hee did 
not this by his often reading, but mearely by the strength of 
his memorie. 

More I could certifie you of him, as likwise of the reste, 
but time bids mee make haste to waite uppon the Lady 
Palmer and the Lady Oxinden to the helpe making of a 
daughter of Sir T. Peirce’s a Christian this day. I doe now 
begin firmely to beleive that the Gods have noe small regard 
to my words and promises, for they often take them in that 
kind, and I hope they will have the same to my prayers, 
which are that the Parliament may make itself and the 
country soe happy as to except of you for a member of the 
same, and soe in hast, vale, vale precatur 

Yours to command to his power 

Henry Oxinden 

You show your selfe not to bee Grecarum litterarum ready 
and yet out of your modesty you would not have mee take you 
for a Grecian, but I wonder the lesse at it because Socrates, 
who was pronounced by the Oracle at Delphos to bee the 
wisest man of Greece, said Hoc solum scio quod nihil scio. 
I would I had so much as the nihil of his knowledge. 



CXLIV {Draft) 


[MS. 27,999, f. 249] 

[Sir Edward Partherich of Bridge (knighted Whitehall, July 31st, 
1641) sat in Parliament for Sandwich, together with Sir Thomas 
Peyton, 16 Charles I ( cf . Letter CCXXXVI, when he is present 
in the House at the charges against Sir Anthony Percivall). 
He married Mary Fagge, a half-sister of Lady Oxinden and sister 
of Lady Proud. The “ cousin-ship ” with Henry Oxinden of 
Barham was thus a very remote relationship. 

About 1636 Sir Edward conveyed his house at Bridge to a 
Dutch merchant Sir Arnold Braems, under whose patronage 
Cornells Janssen, the portrait painter, came into the neighbour- 
hood. The Partherich ’s then moved to Faversham, where Lady 
Partherich had inherited property from her father, Edward 
Fagge. In 1641 (Letter CCXIII) they interest themselves in 
the appointment of James Oxinden to the living of Goodnestone 
by Faversham, thus fulfilling Henry Oxinden’s forecast, “ if it ly 
in her power to doe you any good shee will doe it, and it may soe 
happen that she may doe it ”.] 

To my Bro: Ja. Oxinden. 

Good Brother, 

I have taken order for the io 1 you have written for to 
bee sent unto you. I have alsoe, now Sir Thomas Peyton is 
gon to London, sent your letter to him, conceiving it the 
fittest time, being there amongst his great kindred. I have 
allso moved Sir James Oxinden for you, who now I beleive 
will doe his best, insomuch as I am in some credible hopes ere 
it be long that some thing may bee procured. My cozin 
H. O. was married uppon the 14 of Apr. to Sir Wil m Mere- 
dith’s daughter, to whom the Lord Cottington is unkle etc. 
There was a sermon preached at the wedding, the Text was 
this, I am my beloved ’s and my beloved is mine, I feede uppon 
the Lillies : the sermon was but indifferent. If you will take 
so much paines as to make some choice sermon uppon that 
Texte (which you may well doe in loking uppon all the 
authors in the university librarie uppon that text, by their 
help and of some friends, as allsoe to get their help in the 



composition thereof) I will obtaine that you may preach the 
said sermon at Wingham at Whitsontide, at which time the 
wedding will be againe solemnized at Deane, where will bee 
the same Auditors and such on whom my hopes doe depend 
in preferring you : certainly the sermon if well relished may 
availe much in your advancement, and shall not be knowne 
but that you had verie little time to compose it. Doe not let 
them who may help you in the making of it know of your 
reason, etc. If you intend to come pray send mee word 
thereof, you will doe well to fit your selfe at London with one 
plaine sattin doublett and a paire of cloath hose ; most men, 
espeacially such as have power, doe thinke themselves dis- 
paraged to keepe companie with men of meane attire and 
have to much regard to the superficies of men : as experientia 
docet. My brother Barrow (I doubt not but) will healpe you 
in the buying of them, soe as you may not be cousened in 
them, and healp you to a Taylor that will make them in 
fashion for you. If you send mee word what time you will 
be at London, I will (if my occasions wil permit) steale up 
and meete you there, which if I cannot doe, yet I would have 
you send a boy over to mee when you are come to Canter- 
bury, for there I have something to speake with you about 
which I have not time to expresse in writing. When you 
send word of the time of your being at London, mention 
nothing of my coming in English, for many times my second 
selfe meetes with letters are sent to mee before my first 
selfe : take such order at your coming from Oxford as, if all 
faile, wher I have great hopes one way or other will not, that 
you may returne one halfe yeare more : as likewise that if 
you returne noe more therein you may leave a good repoort 
behind you. I will leave these thinges to your iudgment, 
however I thought good to relate my owne opinion to you 
whom I have found to bee persuaded by mee in some thinges, 
and assure your selfe it hath made mee the forwarder deepely 
to engage myself to some friends in whose power it is to doe 
you good, which obligations will remaine uppon mee to 
requite. During my being at the wedding at Leeds I met 



with my cozin Partrich there, who told mee shee had much 
enquired after you, and had heared a very good report of 
you, of which I am glad ; shee s(ai)d if it ly in her power to 
doe you any good shee will doe it, and it may soe happen that 
she may doe it. 

[April 1640] 

CXLV (Draft) 

[MS. 27,999, f. 254V.] 

Mr. Hadnam, 

I desire you that if my brother James come to you 
about making him some cloathes, pray helpe him to them : 
and make a noate of them and I will see you paid for them, as 
likewise if hee want anythinge else. I pray keepe this en- 
cloased letter for him when he comes to you, and then deliver 
it unto him. Pray make them well for him and in fashion. 
So with my love and remembrance unto you, 

I rest 

Your loving friend 

Henry Oxinden 

CXLVI (Draft) 

[MS. 27,999, f. 254V.] 

Good Brother, 

I have according to your desire intreated Mr. Hadnam 
to fitt you with apparell and other necessaries, and noe doubt 
but hee will accordingly doe it for you. I thinke a plaine 
sattin doublet and cloath hose will bee sufficient if you have 
an indifferent cloake, for I will lend you my best for 2 or 
three especiall weekes (if needs requiere) ; you have 2 paire of 
bootes at my house you left when you were last in the 
country ; a hatt and such other necessaries you may have at 





[MS. 28,000, f. 4] 

[The Oxmdens were Lords of the Manor of Makinbrooke in 
Herne, together with Underdown Farm in the neighbouring 
hamlet of Eddington, from the reign of Elizabeth. Hasted says 
at the east end of Herne parish, near Reculver, is “ a place long 
known by the name of Oxinden Corner ”. 1 ] 

Good Nephewe, 

I have not at any time suffered more vexacion in my- 
selfe then at this time that I have not wherewith to retume you 
such an answeare as my wishes do desire ; so it is that lately, 
according to my old wont, I went among my fewe tenants in 
Hearne for my rent, where I founde so much want of mony 
as I never did all dayes of my life ; tho they confessed they 
were not without that was worth money, yet they protested to 
me that unless they should be very great Loasers they could 
not get any money for their commodities. Prithee Cosin do 
not thinke but if I had in my keepinge any considerable 
summe I would not have sent you so little, tho I am within 
few dayes to goe for London, but if mony comes in after I 
am gone I will have my wife send you parte of it ; for the 
interest I wilbe willinge to be accomptable to you, for my 
former occasions have brought me into a very great scarcity 
of mony. So I rest 

Your very affectionate uncle 

James Oxinden 

1. May. 1640 

I have sent you but 4 11 . 

1 Cf. Hasted, iii. p. 619. 




[MS. 28,000, f. 14] 


I attempted to make some retribution for your long 
letter, but things standing upon soe doubtfull events as 
every houre seemed readie to bring forth some strange 
matter, yet still with held : nott that I desired to bee the mes- 
senger of any ill successes, but because I [would] nott pre- 
occupie your joy about any probable good before it had the 
stampe of truthe for our general contentment. Butt now I 
will only say I have noe good newes to send you. Officious 
fame I know hath alreadie told you what is bad, and to 
sweeten that I may perhaps adde somewhat heer which you 
have nott yett receivd and that is : — The speech of a gratious 
and mild king, not withstanding his provocations, who re- 
solved nott upon their disrespects a revenge upon his people 
presently, but as a true father of his subiects would rather 
choose to stroke them still, till hee had overcome their natures 
and assimilated them to his owne goodnes. The words in 
effect were that hee never with greater reluctation did deliver 
his mind unto them and the greife hee had conceyved at the 
ill-successe of this Parliament would hardly suffer him to 
speak at all. The Lords hee thanked for their respects and 
readines to doe him all good services, and were it nott for 
some tumultuous and popular spiritts hee might have had 
as good respects from the house of Commons, and therefore 
would nott blame all for the faults of some particular refrac- 
tiones : for the greivances soe much inculcated among them, 
hee did assure them for that of religion first, hee would pre- 
serve itt in its purity and truth, and have as tender a care of 
the Churche as can bee required of any Christian Prince : for 
monopolies and other greivances, his subjects sholde see that 
hee would redresse them as well as they themselves would 
have done or coold desire. And soe leaving the Royall 
pleasure to bee delivered by the Lord keeper, who only said 



It is his Ma ties pleasure this Parliament bee dissolved. The 
Commons left the house full of heavinesse ; and soe was this 
great counsell dissolv’d, because it was soe long a resolving. 
And now some say wee are where wee were, but I thinke wee 
are worse ; for what greivances so ever the subjects thought 
themselves molested with, and therefore would resist ’em, this 
striving with the king could bee thought butt the Act of 
private men, till now it is in Parliament made the Act of the 
third Estate ; And ther I thinke the king suffers in the honor 
of his government among neighbouring Princes, who may 
privately rejoyce to see distractions breede in soe flourishing 
a kingdom, of which the whole world grew jealous dayly, 
butt now will perhaps lay aside those feares, when it is dis- 
covered at what disagreement hee is with his owne people ; 
and for this cause itt had beene better the Parliament had 
never beene : for before it could nott butt bee thought our 
king, had a poscit command in his people, and certainely with 
a little more continuance of those annuall charges, hee might 
have so habituated the Country, especially had it beene 
managed with equallity, that hee might have established his 
owne greatnes for ever. Butt as the case is what is to bee 
done. Why this, since wee will nott give, the king must 
take, for if it bee lawfull for any man, to save his life, to take of 
any other’s bread or meate, then I thinke the king may use 
the goods of his subjects, nolentibus volentibus, as he may 
their particular and private persons, for the conservation of 
the more universall and generall good ; and the nature of 
good which wise men call Dutie is to bee preferred before 
that nature of good which is called virtue, because it con- 
duceth to the conservation of a more generall forme. Butt 
these and other matters of state I will not dive into, though I 
cannott meete with any man butt knowes what will become 
of these things ; soe inspird are the more zealous, soe ready 
to execute mischeife are the souldiers, soe provident are 
worldly successes, and generally soe wise are become the 
Commons, having received a diffusive knowledge from the 
dispersed house. The king of Spaine offers to lend the king 



300,ooo u , and I had rather hee should take from his subjects 
then borrow upon Spanish conditions. But because I have 
now some [MS. defaced] performe, I must dissolve soe this 
letter and rest 

Your very lo: brother 

London May 6. 1640 Tho: Peyton 



[MS. 28,000, f. 16] 

Bro: Oxinden, 

Lambeth hath these 3 dayes beene guarded by trained 
bands, and my Lord of Canterbury beene soe long an inhabi- 
tant of Whitehall ; some pieces of ordnance are drawne 
thither alsoe to defend the place against any outrage threatened 
by the prentices ; some 600 came thither two nights agoe, 
butt the Archbishop was gone ; and they went back all agen 
butt 11 or 12 who are putt in the Gate house. It is indeed 
reported that the Archbishop was the chiefe cause of breaking 
the Parliament, which report hath thus resolved a furious 
multitude to doe some mischeife it seems. The king is very 
pensive alsoe, and the Lords’ heads and wisedomes were 
never soe putt to it to sodder all matters since the dissolution. 
The troopers doe committt many outrages in their passage, 
as firing of townes, ravishing of women (which others of the 
sexe would perhaps call courtesy of souldjers, as it is the end 
of all complement and observances at Courte), stealing or 
violent saking ; which is a presage of much future disorder. 
Death’s harbinger, the sword, famine and other plagues that 
hang over us are ready to swallow up the wicked age. And 
because to bee miserable in a strange place is some heighten- 
ing of misfortune, I meane by the grace of God to expect at 
Knolton, reckoning from next weeke, what I am to suffer 
in my cecunomicall government or state in this fiery declina- 
tion of the world. ^ 

Lver yours 

London . 

May 14. 1640 


Tho: Peyton 




[MS. 28,000, f. 18] 

[Sir Thomas Wilsford of Ueden (Uding) 1 , on the summit of the 
North Downs in Kingston parish, belonged to a distinguished 
family. His father, Sir Thomas, was a soldier of renown under 
Queen Elizabeth, fought in France and Flanders and superin- 
tended military works of various kinds in England : his uncle, 
Sir James, was Provost-Marshal of the English Army and 
Governor of Haddington during the protracted siege in 1548 ; 
his aunt Cecily, married Edwin Sandys, Archbishop of York. 

Sir Thomas himself was M.P. for Canterbury in 1625. He 
married Elizabeth, eldest daughter of Sir Edwin Sandys, the 
author of Europce Speculum . Their eldest daughter Frances, 
was probably the “ Lady Baker ” of Letters CXCV et seq.] 

Noble Sir, 

I doe here retume unto yow the writing you left with 
me ; for which I thanke you : the other I sent back to your 
kinsman the same day I rec. it : some speetche there is of 
a New Parliament to settell these disturbances. Libells are 
frequent in London. Order and warrants from Lieu: 
Courtupp are sent foorth to wame this Company to be att 
Bridge Hill uppon Tuesday the 26 of this moneth. Per- 
adventuer it will be presed there that somme of the company 
must surrender their armes, as they did last yeare, and soe 
loose them as they did. But if they be wise they will keep 
them to defend the King and Kingdom against forrain 
enemyes and the Poapische faction which grows twoe 
insolent. Desiring to salute Mrs. Oxinden, and yourselfe 
with the true respect of 

Your faithfull frend to serve you 

Tho: Wilsford 

Ilding May 17. 1640 

1 The D.N.B. has incorrectly “ Hedding ” ; see Art : Wilford or 
Wilsford, Sir James. 

I 7S 


[MS. 28,000, f. 2l] 

[I Samuel, viii. is the chapter in which Israel demands a King and 
Samuel foretells the disasters which will consequently befall the 
nation. No doubt political capital was made of the incident in 
some Puritan leaflet.] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I have used the best art and skill I have in procuringe 
off those bookes you writt for, such of them as I could gett 
I have sent, as King James his works, which is not onely 
very scarce but very deare, for it cost 30 sgs. I have also 
sent Cornelius Tacitus and Justine. Dionisius Hilicamassus 
is not in Inglish, neither could I gett itt in the originall, but 
in latin I could have had itt. Spondanus I had almost bar- 
ganed for, but another bookseller told mee that ther is 
another edition in twoe volumes and I thought to give you 
notice of itt before I bought itt ; a lexicon I could gett none 
of the last Edition, and for a book of any of those verses of 
the 8 Samuell I cannott heare off anyone, I was almost 
afrayed to aske for such a booke in these times. I pray 
remember my duty to my Mother and tell [her] I have sent 
the knotts and iff shee like them nott they shall be taken 
againe, and I cannott get a gilt bodkin. My wife will goe 
nere to bring another guest to my mother whoe I doe pre- 
sume shall be very welcome to her, by name Mr. Addam 
Oxinden, but my hast will permit me only to remember my 
respect and service to you and to my frends with you, and 
here rest 

Your truly loving brother att comand 

Thomas Barrow 

June 18 th 1640 




[MS. 28,000, f. 43] 

[“ There were altogether seven Disga veiling Acts of Parliament, 
the last being in 1624 : the bill to which Henry Oxinden refers in 
this letter seems not to have matured, 

Robinson on Gavelkind (p. hi) points out that, as none of the 
Disgavelling Acts contained any schedule or description of the 
properties disgavelled, it very soon became impossible to prove the 
identity of any particular parcel of land as being disgavelled land. 
The abolition in spite of its general wording was judicially con- 
strued to abolish only the equal partition among the heirs and not 
the other incidents of the custom.”] 


There is a busines my father did nott impart to you, 
thinking hee should have seen you in the morning ere you 
went ; it is about Gavelkind Land, there is a bill now pre- 
ferring in parliament concerning the taking off of that teneur, 
which if you desire, you may putt your name in the bill with 
many other Kentish gentlemen for the effecting of the same. 
My father would have you advise with M st Den about this 
busines and gett his opinion in writting, in which charge I 
will ioyne with you, intending to alter that teneur of all the 
Land I have if faisible, and will goe together with you in this 
busines ; my [father] hath often heare you wish you could 
alter itt, and therefore advertisheth you, and hee desires you 
would returne this way and lett him know what you have don 
herein, where he promisheth you hartie welcome and so doth 
Your affectionate Kinsman 

Henry Oxinden 

Pray speake not to old Jull about my meeting him for I 
intend nott to fayle to meet you att the Beacon a coursing on 
Munday morning att eight of the clock. Tell my brother 
Masters the journey holds to his house on thursday. 






[MS. 28,000, f. 25] 

[The “ deceased friend and neighbour ” of Sir Thomas’s post- 
script, as letters not published here show, was Henry Sandys, 
eldest son of Sir Edwin Sandys of Northbourne ; he m. Margaret, 
da. of Sir William Hammond of St. Albans ] 

Bro: Oxinden, 

When wee meet a coursing in the Territories of our 
noble friend ; which since I have called my Adventure, (for 
a recreation it was noe more than the Expedition of Phaeton 
through the Zodiaque, where terors were all his discovery or 
observation) ; you may remember beyond some certayn hills 
where the world ends for mee I did loose these paire of 
Tercets I now send you. But why it pleased that whole 
nation of Judges to sentence mee a Loser I thinke is not 
extant in any forme of reason. Although it was to mee great 
happines I escaped soe well ; not thinking til then there had 
bin such danger in my beloved sport of Coursing. But lie 
stand to my first intentions only for this time of paying the 
Gurdon and Palme of your dog’s activity, which like lightning 
it seemes he did soe performe that seene hee could not bee, 
either for the rapidnes of the motion or interposition of some 
certaine mountaines, with good authors held to bee the better 
opinion. And soe advising you nott too rashly to adorne the 
neck of your triumpher (ordained for an other kind of dresse 
surely) with this rich carcanet, least some covetous knave bee 
putt to the paines of stealing your dog for the Collar’s sake, 
I rest 

Augt . 1640 

Your loving brother and friend 

Thomas Peyton 

Upon Thursday next, about 9 a clocke in the morning, you 
shall meete the freinds of our deceased freind and neighbour, 
about to waite on his body to Northbourne, or on that way 





[MS. 28,000, f. 47] 

Good Nephew, 

I am very sorry to hear that my Neece is so ill still, but 
shuch is the Nature of this kind of sikneses that I am veryly 
perswayd it is not in the powr of any phisition to alter ; they 
are the helpes of natur which if thay be to beisi prove the 
destriors. Natur helps her self by the cof that my cosin hath 
which desier her to bear with as much cherfullnes as she may. 
I send her heer an oyntmen which I desire her to anoynt her 
forhed with when she goeth to bead and take this Cordiall to 
procur rest. I dare not go beyond a Cordiall whear ther is so 
much illness butt this pray her to be confidend the queene 
may take at my hands. I will make her a tisain to morow and 
send her to eas the paynfullnes of her coff, which you shall 
have sent you by to or thre of the clok, so praying god to send 
her ese I am 

Your afectionat Ant 

M. O. 



[Capel Cure MSS.] 

[Anne Oxinden died August 28th, 1640.] 

[Endorsed. To my brother Oxinden of Denton soone after the 
deathe of his wife about Sept. 1640.] 

If writing have more poure with you then speaking I 
should bee glad to have found this way to obtaine my re- 
quest. And therefore I doe once more desire you to give soe 
muche testimony of affection to the memory of your de- 
ceased wife, soe muche satisfaction to her surviving friends, 
on whose care it must bee to have equall iustice done her in 
this uncertaine worlde which shee hath lefte, as to settle on 
youre unblameable son 140 1 per annum and to give your 



guiltlesse doughters 300 1 a peice presently, which may growe 
to bee fitt portions by that time they growe to bee fitt wives. 
I have nott served my request too highe, because I would nott 
seeme to limit the benefitt they shall receive further [than] by 
your goodnesse and greatnesse of your naturall affection. It 
is enough for mee that I have made it modest and reasonable 
and having these qualities I must nott doubt of a denyall. 
And lett nott the thought of keeping mee in your observance 
make you incline nott hastily to grant what I desire, for as I 
know I cannot thinke of any ends can make mee servile, yett 
to you that are at this time master of my requestes I can 
intreate this favour in the name of a Petitioner, with great and 
faithfull conceptions of acknowledgments. And therefore 
by your presence I pray lett mee receive some satisfaction 
without ambiguous termes, which are nott to bee used in 
expressions of true and reall meanings. And this is the way 
nott to suspend that alliance and freindship which you have 
yett in good seisine and possession from 

Your very lo: brother 

Tho: Peyton 



[MS. 28,000, f. 27] 

Good Nephew, 

I cannot see but that you have returned a good 
answeare, to which if any reply should followe I would have 
you persist and stand it out untill your time of mouminge be 
over ; and then se what you shall do in that kinde (as things 
stand at this present) let it flowe from your owne free choice 
and the affeccion you bore the deceased, without any other 
respect whatsoever. It will not be amiss for you to be very 
cautious what you write, for words written continue, some- 
times, to stand as a testimony against theire master, be it by 
way of deniall or complyinge with the petitioner’s request, 
seeinge I so finde it written. It shall not be longe e’er I see 


From a portrait probably by Cornells Janssen in the possession of Miss M. B Slater 
Photographer, B. & W. Fisk-Moore, Canterbury, 


you. I am very sorry to heere my nephewe James is so ill. 
So I rest 

Your affectionate uncle 

4 Sept . 1640 James Oxinden 

be confident I will keepe all safe. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 10] 

Loving Brother, 

It is reported of the Swan that shee sends forth most 
pleasant songs when hir death approcheth : as Ovid saith 

Sic ubi fata vocant udis abiectus in herbis 

Ad vada Maeandri concinit albus olor. 1 

It is a common saying that the words of a dying Freind 
arre so imprinted in the harts of the hearers that they make 
him live that is dead, and why should not the words not 
onely of a dying Freind but allsoe of a dying Brother imprinte 
something into you which may cause mee after death to live 
a second life in your memory. O then how behoulding 
should I bee to death, whoe can make mee to live whoe have 
beene soe long buried in the grave of oblivion. Trulie for 
my one part I not long since was so infacted with the Small 
Pox that I did verily think I should have never writ unto you 
againe, being soe sore troubled with them that for the space 
of 3 weekes I did very little stirre out of my bed, which every 
weeke did stand mee in at least seven shillings a weeke, beeside 
Physick which in all hath stood mee in at the least 30s. But 
weere this all I should have the lesse reason to complaine, but 
one sicknes comming in the neck of a nother hath soe 
weakned and put my body out of frame that it is death for 
mee to live (or if I may borrow the Comeck phraise) 

Centum patior neces dum verior unam. 

1 Ovid, Heroides , Ep. vii. 2. 



Trulie I doe verily thinke that I shall not goe out of my 
chamber this long time : perhaps not at all, which is more 
likely, being troubled with a burning feaver : wherefore I 
desire you that you would perform one curtesie (it may bee 
the last) viz. to send mee as soone as possible you can 40s 
shillings. I protest unto you that I have not more than 8s 
left : and had I not given my Tutor 30 s to pay for my Com- 
mons and Sising, I should not have known what to have done. 
I can make you account of the Moneys I had of you, viz. 
6 U , where of my iourney cost mee 20 s ; 18 s and 6 d my Detre- 
ments whilst I was in the Cuntry ; my Tutor had 30s of mee 
and the Carrier had 10 : after a complaint that hee could 
have none of you. Truly I did persuade myselfe that you 
would have paide it, because you made mee set them downe ; 
which had I not assurd myself I would not have troubled 
you : neither would I, but that he was soe earnest : for my 
(?) I cannot possible pay him, for if I give him 20s a quarter I 
must goe naked myself, and since I have beene sick it hath 
cost mee above 30s and likely it is to cost mee more. But I 
will not trouble you by molesting of my self. . . . 

[Rest of letter fragmentary.] 

[Endorsed] Sent it him. H. O. 


[MS. 28,000, f. 91] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I have nowe sent those books you wrote for, onely one 
which is nott to be had. What newes here is I have here 
inclosed ; onely here was a pritty passage which I thought 
not amisse to write. Doctor Ducke, Chancellor for the Bishop 
off London, visited yesterday att St. Lawrence for some part 
of the Citty, when all the ministers, church wardens and side 
men were cited to sweare to those Articles which the Bishop 
of London sett forth ; and when the Canceller had [made] a 
leamard speech, he demanded the Churchwardens and side- 



men to take the oath, butt they all with one consentt cryed 
noe, upon which the pariter told them thatt soe many as 
denyed to take the oath were all puritan Curs, which they 
tooke very ill, butt being in the Church, they gave noe ill 
answere butt fell all a hissinge ; which made a great hubbub, 
in the midle of which hubbub one wag amongst them cryed 
outt, a madd Oxe, upon which the whole Company, the Chan- 
cellor with the rest, betooke them to ther heeles, and gote into 
and over the pues as if they themselves had bene madd, and 
after they had bestired themselves a while, ther cries outt 
another thatt it was not a madd Ox but a mad Bull, which 
words made such an uprore in the Church that made the 
Chancellor give over his enterprise, and was forced to send for 
the Sheriffe of London for his security, but the pariter for his 
sawcy speeches was sent to the Counter, where I beleve he 
still is ; other newes I have nott, I cannot gett the Citty 
petion (sic) nor the ministers 5 , but they have bene graciously 
used by his Ma:. My partner and I are nowe parted, we 
divided our wares one Tuesday and he is gone from mee. 
Thus in very great hast, with my true love to you, my duty to 
my mother and my love to the rest of my frends 
I rest 

Your truely lovinge brother at comand 

Tho: Barrow 

[Conjectural date September 1640] 



[MS. 28,000, f. 56] 

Lovinge Brother, 

1 If hereafter 2 or 3 monthes hence it may lye in 

your way to help mee too ioo u or 2 thatt I might have for 6 
or 12 months, paying interrest for itt, you shall doe mee a reall 
curtesy to help mee too itt. I have beene and am att this 
time exceeding full of busines because of newe furnishing 

1 Sixteen lines dealing with money transactions omitted. 



my shop ; I praise God I have nowe a house of my owne to 
bid you welcome too and I shall be happy to see you here. 
Here is not any newes that I here, but indeed I have not had 
time to enquire after any ; but such things as I can here as yett 
I send you ; but of this Enclosed you must be very carefull of 
the shewing, but Sir James Oxinden may see it and if you 
think convenient Mr. Aldye and Mr. Swann. Come begins 
nowe to beare a greate Rate, I payd this weeke 6/8 a bushell, 
and a freind of mine living 1 5 miles from London told mee it 
was 6/6 last week in ther Markett. This is all the newes I 
have, and thus with my owne and my wives our true respects 
to you, our duties to my mother and our loves to the rest of 

our f rends, in great hast I rest 

Your truly loving brother att Comand 

r , 0 o6m , Tho: Barrow 

London : 8 : 8 6m 1640 



[MS. 28,000, f. 58] 

Lovinge Brother, 

Such things as comes to my hand I send you, I dare 
not persuade you to beleeve the truth of this enclosed paper 
butt you may read and suspend your judgement and as others 
take occasion by itt. To discourse of the Scottish affayers, wee 
have it here reported and confidently affirmed that there is a 
peace concluded with the scots, and that both the Kinge and 
the scots have refferred their busines to be setled by the 
parliament and thatt the king hath engaged himselfe to pro- 
tect noe man, butt that he will leave every man to stand upon 
his owne bottome, and thatt the deputy leutennant off Ireland 
is in disgrace, and the L rds Brooks etc, which were noe courtiers 
nor beloved, are become the onely favourites ; this is all I 
heare for newes. ... 1 

Your truly loving brother att Command 

Lrnion 22 ‘. 8“ ,640. Th0MAS 

1 Some lines about Adam Jull’s money affairs omitted. 




[“ Dr. Cousins ” of the following letters is John Cosin (1594-1672), 
later Bishop of Durham, a personal friend of Laud and of Walter 
Montague (Letter CCXXVII). The publication of his Collection of 
Private Devotions in 1626-27 made him “ the subject of every 
man’s censure ”, for they were found to contain “ popery in dis- 
guise He became still further embroiled with the puritan 
party because of the leading share he had taken in the ornamenta- 
tion of Durham Cathedral, “ setting it out gayly with strange 
Babylonish ornaments For this he was attacked in the pulpit 
by one of the prebendaries, Peter Smart. Smart was cited before 
a commission of the chapter, including Cosin himself, and sus- 
pended : years later he took his revenge. In 1640 (the same time 
at which Cosin became Dean of Peterborough) he presented to 
the House of Commons the petition described by James Oxinden, 
complaining of Cosin’s “ superstitious and popish innovations 
in the church of Durham ” and of his own prosecution. Cosin 
was sequestered from all his ecclesiastical preferments and was 
thus “ the first victim of puritanical violence who suffered by a 
vote of the Commons 

His fellow-sufferer, “ another of the same Coate ”, was Dr. 
William Beale, master of St. John’s College, Cambridge : James 
Oxinden as a member of that College preferred perhaps to 
“ forget ” his name. 

Richard Kilvert (Letter CLXII) d. 1649, a proctor in the Pre- 
rogative Court at Canterbury, had earned notoriety as an informer 
in the Star Chamber proceedings against John Williams, Bishop of 
Lincoln. The Long Parliament arraignment of November 1640 
resulted from his shady transactions with Alderman Abell in 
connection with the Vintners’ Company, for whom he inveigled 
a monopoly of wines in return for a reward of £1,000. In May 
1641 the Commons ordered a bill to be prepared “ to declare 
the offence of Alderman Abell and Richard Kilvert to the end 
that they may be made exemplary Kilvert was at liberty in 

1643 - 1 ] 

1 Dictionary of Nat. Biog . : art. Cosin and Kilvert. 




[MS. 28,000, f. 60] 

Good Brother, 

I receiv’d your Letter wherein you would have mee 
sende you downe the speeches of the Parlament which I have 
labored (ever since my aboade in London) to procure but 
cannot ; I spake to my Brother Barrow, and hee hath promised 
mee to sende you some of them and I beleive my uncle 
Oxinden will bee in Kent about the ende of the next weeke 
whoe will furnish you with them all. Newes heere is not 
much stirringe and what is I doubt not but you are allreadie 
acquainted with all. The latest is the stabbinge of the 
Justice of Peace goeinge up to deliver the names of the Papist 
recusants inhabitinge about Westminster, which newes did 
much astonish the Parlament (as matters of that nature com- 
monly doe) everie man thinkinge his the next, and I heare that 
there shall be a strickt gard about the Parlament howse. 
His Ma tie was much incenst at it and sent to them of the 
Parlament to punish him in the most rigorous manner, which 
punishment is as yet deferd in the expectation of the death of 
the forenamed Justice. The executioner of this bloodie Act 
was a cuntrie man of ours, a knight’s sonne, one Mr. James, 
some saye a Jesuit, others a madman, other a discontented ; 
noe doubt but God had a greate hand in it to make them more 
cautelous of greater dangers by this. There was much talke 
of breakinge up of the Parlament but that is leaft thanks bee 
to God and they goe on verie cherefully and curragiously. 
And uppon condition of the continuance of it there are a 
hundred of the lower house have ingaged themselves for a 
thowsand pounds a man to furnish his maiesties present 
necessities. The 1 Lord Deputie was called to the Parlament 
one Wednesday where there was 7 Articles all tendinge to 
treason obiected against him, what they are as yet I heare not, 
but I suppose of verie greate consequence because hee is 

1 “ My ” crossed through. 



removed from his former Custodie to the Tower ; very shortly 
wee shall heare of either the standinge or fall of him. Doctor 
Cousins is allsoe comitted to the black rod and wee dayly 
expect his triall, I doe not as yet heare the obiections agst 
him and there is a nother of the same Coate (whose name I 
have forgot) perticipats with him in the same sauce ; the 
Immages they saye which hee had set up in his Church are 
brought up to the parlament and I beleive the settinge up 
of them will bee his pullinge downe. The Bishop of Link- 
coin is out of the Tower and is restor’d with much applause 
to his former dignities and was met (as it were in triumph) 
both by most of the upper and lower house. I heard saye 
that the Bishop of Canterburie hath invited him to dinner, 
but I doe not perceive that invitation should bee much well- 
come to him whoe had before receivd soe manie bones to 
knawe. There is noe news stirringe either conceminge the 
B: of Canterburie or the Lord Cottington : conceminge the 
Lord Keeper I heare that Judge Crooke hath put in a bill 
ag st him for threatninge him if hee would not consent to the 
payment of Ship moneys, which is generally though [t] will 
bee a greate blot to him, but I hope the best. There is a 
talke that all the Bishops have run themselves unto a pro- 
minence by there last session called the holy senod and will 
suffer for thes. This is all the news I can gather of others. 
Conceminge myselfe there is but little and my hopes are 
lesse. I have not as yet beene with my Lord’s chaplaine, by 
reason that the Ladie Palmer does not as yett knowe whether 
it bee a custome at the inroulinge of names to give the chaplen 
a fee, of which I shall bee certified one Saturdaye. Mistris 
Moyle whome I should have visited according to my Ladies 
Oxinden’s commands is not in London. I have verie curtious 
and noble promises from the Ladie Palmer but I feare they 
are to late. Your commands you laye uppon mee to goe to 
Oxford I am verie willing to obey, but this I must desire of 
you before my journey, that you would furnish mee with 
io 11 more, for I am indebted there some moneys of which 
I promised payment at my return : this desiringe to heare from 



you as soone as you possible can, for I am allreadie sick of 
london. I rest 

Your truly lovinge and truely 

affectionat Brother 

From London Novemb . 27 James Oxinden 


[Note by H. O.] 

Left this io 1 with my Cozin Paul Pettit Dec. 5, 1640, to 
bee returned unto him in all hast. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 62] 

Loving Brother, 

I have received your letter and am glad to heare of 
your good health, with the healthes of the rest of my frends 
with you. For newes here, much talke and many men 
questioned and many more will be and severely punished 
alsoe, and they have begunn with the Cheife, for they have 
the last night sent the leiuetennent off Ireland to the tower, 
and upon Wednesday next which is his day of tryall, they 
will I beleve condeme his neck to the hatchett, and soone 
after him I beleve some of his comrayds to the halter, as 
Kilvert etc. For the speeches, I will gett all I cann and send 
them by my brother James ; Doctor Cosens is in a Sergeant 
at Armes hands and he will Cosen the whole house if he 
scapes a hanginge sentence, and yett I am perswaded he will 
doe itt, for he hath very well cleared himselfe of all busines 
save one, of which I am perswaded he is nott guilty, neither 
can be proved, and if he comes off soe as I beleve he will, itt 
will be much admired, for he hath as many enemies as any 
man would wish him have. ... 1 

Your truly loving brother att Command 

London 2j th g bri8 1640 

Thomas Barrow 

1 Adam Jull’s debts omitted. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 70] 

Loving Brother, 

1 Other speeches I can gett none, neither is there much 
newes onely this, Doctor Cosens is this day released, onely 
goes under Bayle and is Bayled by twoe members off the 
house, Sir William Penniman and Docter Eden ; lickwise 
Doctor Lafield is bayled by 2 Captaines of his parish, but that 
which is nott a litle wondered att, Kilvert is alsoe under Bayle, 
and this is this dayes worke ; but one thing I had almost for- 
gott, Sir George Cutclife hath, this night is, come in and 
submitted himselfe to the house, and he hath taken the 
lodgings of one off the former three. More newes here is 
not any. I pray remember my duty to my mother, and my 
love to my sister Elizabeth and Mr. Aldredge, Mr. Swan 
and the rest, and soe with my true Respects and Service to 
you in hast I rest 

Your truly loving brother ever at command 

Thomas Barrow 

Lo: 3 d io bns 1640 



[MS. 28,000, f. 64] 

Most Lovinge Brother, 

My humble servis remembred unto you, hopinge that 
you are in good health I would intreat you that you would 
bee pleased to send that littell mony which is due to my 
master, for my master giveth over at Christmas. 2 Wherfore 
I would intreate you that you would not take it unkindly for 

1 Adam Jull’s debts omitted. 

2 Adam had already asked for this money in the preceding August. 



makinge so bould with you as puttinge you in minde of it, in 
hast i rest 

Your ever lovinge brother to command 

Adam Oxinden 

Decent. 4 th 1640 




2 dozen \ of rich gold and silver poynts : 


: 10 

: 00 

1 yd quarter scarlet edg rib on the same : 


: °3 

: 06 

1 pr of scarlet gold and silver frindg gloves : 


: 00 

: 00 

I pr of whit : 

f of gold and silver ribon : 


: 02 

: 00 

4 yd of flower gold and silver ribon : 


: 08 

: 00 

1 pr of gold and silver frindge gloves : 


; 11 

: 06 

The iust summ is 4 1 : 15 s : 


: 15 

: 00 



[MS. 28,000, f. IOl] 


My father, my mother, my wife and myselfe doe 
earnestly and hartilie invite you to Dene to keepe your whole 
Christmas, and doe desire that you would neither denie nor 
delay your suddain comming, our request being so reason- 
able, you being neither tide to wife nor familie nor enter- 
tainement of neighbours. 

I thanke you for sending my greyhound and for your 
manie other courtesies, which leave them till I see you or have 
an occasion to expresse how much I am 

Your affectionate cosen and obliged frend 

Henry Oxinden 



[MS. 28,000, f. 74] 

[“ Cosin Hammon ” was Anthony, son of Sir William Hammond ; 
he married Mary, da. of Sir Dudley Digges. Anthony's mother, 



Elizabeth, Lady Hammond, married as her second husband 
Dr. Balcan quail. The family of Hamon or Hammond had 
resided at St. Albans* Court, Nonington, since the reign of 
Henry VIII. The Burgess for Dover in succession to Sir Peter 
Hey man was Benjamin Weston.] 

My Kinde Freind, 

I thanke you for your kinde letter of thanks. I know 
not how to salute you with any new accorrances. Though 
my Cosin Hammon, our naighbor, be last night come home, 
who I guesse by some passages I have this day heard will 
stand to be burgesse for Dover. Sir Paeter Heyman they 
say is dead. Only this he to day, after our sermon was don, 
towld me, that my lord Deputy corns within a weeke to his 
tryall, except as is supposed, parliament will give him a longer 
tyme But it is concluded of all hands he cannot answeare 
his accusations without life. The Jesuits is thought shall be 
banished upon the king’s promis to proclayme the departure of 
all other Preists and jesuites upon danger of the law provided 
in the case. Also that my lord Keper’s and the judges’ 
charge is preparinge with all speede. As likewise against 
the Archbishopp who is thought will be found very deepe in 
Capitall Crymes. And soe with my love and servis to your- 
selfe and to all our other my good frends with you, I rest in 
great hast 

Your assured freind and most affectionate 

Ed: Swan 

7 Feb. 1640 



[MS. 28,000, f. 66] 

Good Cosin, 

I am exceding sory my sister Oxinden is so ill : I will 
not fayell to visit her so sone as I can posible ; in the mene 
time I have sent her a water for wind that I have found very 
excellent efects of : I desire her to take it with shuger, a 



spoonfull of the water filled full of shuger and so rather 
cay it then drink it. I send her allso a powder which I wold 
have her take in a litel beer or posit, which she likes best, as 
much as will ly a pon 3d. will be enuf at a time, that or the 
water may be taken at any tim when she is ill. She may take 
this water with heat as other hot water is takin, so wishing her 
health and you all hapines I rest 

Your afectionat frend and Ant 

Marg: Oxinden 

Dean the 14 



[MS. 28,000, f. 76] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I understand by my Cosen Dallison that my mother is 
very sick, and itt makes mee feare thatt she is worse then I 
hope in God shee is, because I heare nott off you this weeke. 

I pray remember mine with my wife our duties to her, and 
desire her prayers for us and ours, and we shall nott cease to 
offer up our continuall prayers unto Allmighty God for the 
restoringe of her former health, and thatt itt would please 
God to give her patience to endure with patience whatever 
he shall be pleased to lay upon her ; what newes here is, the 
berer heroff, Sir James Oxinden, can fully satisfy you, and 
soe with the remembrance of my true respect and service to 
you and to my sister Elizabeth, I rest 

Your truly loving brother ever att command 

Thomas Barrow 

London xSth Feb . 1640 


PART V. 1641 (May to November) 

Kate, my deare Kate, thou art so faire and wise 
As only thee I love, and highly prize. 

Thy bright browne haire, faire forehead, starlike eies 
Have not their matches underneath the skies ; 

I never saw such damaske cheekes beefore, 

Nor cherry lips, smooth chin, nor ever more 
Expect the like, thee therefore I adore. 

{Lines addressed to Katherine Culling by 
Henry Oxinden) 

The Letter-writers (in italics ) and their Circle. Part V 
introduces : 

The Bishop of Rochester — Dr. John Warner. 

Sir William Brockman of Beechborough. 

Captain (afterwards Sir Anthony) Percivall of Archcliffe Fort, 
Dover, and Denton Court. 

The Cullings of South Barham 

James Culling (d. 1638), m. Marie Allen, a niece of Matthew 
Parker, Archbishop of Canterbury. 

His daughters : 

Mary (b. 1610), m. Captain Denwood. 

Leah (b. 1618), m. Michael Huff am, Curate of Kingston. 

Ellen (b. 1621), m. Thomas Wood. 

Katherine (b. Feb. 26th, 1624), m. Henry Oxinden of Barham. 
The Lady Baker, wife of Sir Thomas Baker. 


1 . Public Events 

Henry Oxinden of Deane, writing “ from in my bed this 
morning ”, announces the news of Strafford’s execution on May 
12th, 1641. To one person at least, Mr. Taylor, a member of 
Parliament, the sentence appears to be a judicial murder (Letter 
N 193 


CLXXI). The inclusion of Lord Cottington’s name in the 
articles of impeachment against Strafford, Laud, and several of 
the bishops and judges is of personal interest to the Oxindens, as 
he is uncle by marriage to Elizabeth Meredith, wife of Henry of 
Deane (Letter CLXXIV). 

News of the Tonnage and Poundage Bill, which received the 
King’s assent June 22nd, 1641, is conveyed by Sir Thomas Peyton 
to his constituents of the important port of Sandwich (Letter 

John Warner, Bishop of Rochester, describes a brawl in the 
House of Lords between Lord Mowbray, the Earl of Arundel’s 
heir, and the Lord Chamberlain, Philip Herbert, Earl of Pem- 
broke, who forfeited thereby his staff of office (Letter CLXXVIII). 

Rumour foretells the King’s journey to Scotland ; he departs 
thither, via Berwick, on the 10th of August, after the confirmation 
of the long delayed Scottish treaty. The Queen, at the request 
of a Parliamentary deputation, agrees to abandon her visit to the 
Spa for her health. On the 12th of August she escorts her 
mother, the French Queen, Marie de’ Medicis, to the sea-coast, 
after an official scene of farewell with the more loyal of the Lords. 
The Oxindens are present at Queen Marie’s court held at St. 
Augustine’s Palace, and pay their respects to her and her pet dogs 
as she crosses the Downs to Dover (Letters CLXXXI, 

Early in November 1641, the Commons vote 2,000 English 
troops to be sent at once to Ireland to suppress the Rebellion. 
Richard Oxinden applies for employment and even James, who is 
now in holy orders, wishes to accompany the Irish expedition as 
a preacher (Letters CXCVIII and CXCIX). 

Petitions in favour of the continuance of Episcopacy are cir- 
culated in the Canterbury inns by the Cathedral Clergy ; “ some 
did set their hands . . . others refuse ” (Letter CXCIX). This 
was doubtless in connection with the Grand Remonstrance. 

2. Domestic Affairs 

In spite of growing unrest and a constant eagerness for tidings, 
our squires still pursue their sport of foxhunting. Thomas 
Barrow has in hand the affairs of his youngest brother-in-law, 
Adam ; Sir Thomas Peyton meets Adam on the Old Exchange 
and finds him grown out of knowledge (Letter CLXXV), The 
lad suddenly leaves the Exchange, and Barrow has much trouble 
in finding him a new employer (Letter CLXXXII). Henry of 
Barham’s friends try to draw him from his widowed home into 



their congenial society (Letter CLXXVI). He enters into a 
brisk correspondence with the Bishop of Rochester about the 
reparation of farm buildings at Barham Rectory, which he holds 
on lease (Letter CLXXIX). Mrs. Oxinden is greatly disturbed 
about her son Adam’s future (Letter CLXXXIV). She rails 
against Mr. Brooks and Thomas Barrow defends him (Letter 
CLXXXV, etc.). Permission is given Adam to go to sea (Letter 
CXCI). Vincent Denne disdains the infection of smallpox (Letter 
CLXXXIX). Henry Oxinden intercedes with his neighbour, 
Robert Bargrave of Bifrons, on behalf of Goodwife Gilnot, accused 
of witchcraft (Letter CXCIII). His ward, Katherine Culling, goes 
to London with Lady Baker (Letter CXCIV et seq.). Henry en- 
lists the help of his aunt and uncle and of Elizabeth Dallison to 
persuade Katherine to return home to South Barham. This at 
last she does, after sundry mysterious adventures and an offer of 
marriage, and is interviewed by her guardian (Letter CCIII). 
Henry inclines to melancholy and feels he shall be “ forced to get 
another Mistris ” (Letter CXCIX). He confides a secret to 
Elizabeth and commissions her to furbish up his wardrobe 
(Letter CCVIII). He declines to stand godfather to Mrs. Bar- 
row’s new daughter (Letter CCVII). 


[MS. 28,000, f. 40] 

[1. Sir William Brockman 

The estate of Beechborough, that great headland above Folke- 
stone, passed in Elizabeth’s reign by sale from the Fogge to the 
Brockman family. Sir William Brockman, Kt., (of Letter 
CLXIX) was great grandson of the original owner. He was 
Sheriff of Kent in 1643 ; a steadfast Loyalist, he defended Maid- 
stone in the siege of 1648, when it was attacked by General 
Fairfax, “ one of the sharpest conflicts that happened during the 
wars ”. x 

2. Captain Per civall 

In April 1634, Theophilus, Earl of Suffolk, Lord Warden of the 
Cinque Ports, wrote to Secretary Windebank to approve the 
appointment of “ Mr. Percival, well known to the writer to have 

1 Hasted, vol. iii. p. 395. 



done good service in the Customs of Dover, and having a desire 
to serve his Majesty in a more eminent way ”, to be Captain of 
Archcliff Bulwark. 1 

Among Percivall’s multifarious duties was the collection of the 
tenths of prize-ships brought into the Cinque Ports, out of which 
the Secretary for the affairs of the Navy received his salary. As 
Comptroller of Customs he was responsible for checking the 
transhipment of cargoes for the purpose of evading the dues : 
this was no light task in view of the activities of Dunkirk frigates 
and Dutch ships of burden in the Channel. He was commended 
for his assiduity but reported that the “ ill provision of H.M. forts 
makes strangers presume ”, and that the Bulwark was unprovided 
with mounted ordnance, the gun-carriages being rotten, musquets, 
powder or arms, while most of the surrounding wall had fallen 
down “ principally owing to the workmen’s deceitful building of 
it ”. 2 In 1638 Percivall bought Denton Court from Edward 
Swan, and in December 1641 he was knighted at Whitehall. He 
was charged by the Parliament with misappropriation of public 
monies, but his fall and imprisonment belong to a later stage of 
the Oxindens’ story. He married Gertrude, daughter of Sir 
Ralph Gibbes and sister of Unton, third wife of Sir Edward 

Mr. Denne, 

I have received a letter from my cosen Oxinden of 
Denton who deseires your companie with mine tonight att 
his house that wee may go tomorrow early a fox hunting att 
Denton wood, where Sir William Brockman, captaine per- 
cevall and others will bee a hunting, pray if you can goe call 
mee about six of the clok this afternoone and you shall find 
me readie both then and ever 

Readie to serve you 

Henry Oxinden 



[MS. 28,000, f. 78] 

[“ Mrt Delme ”, was probably Philip Delme, at this date Pastor 
of the Strangers’ Church, in the Cathedral Crypt at Canterbury. 

1 Cal. D S.P., Ch. I, vol. 1633-4, p. 561 (10). z Ib. vol. 1640, p. 160. 



Herbert Palmer was a cousin of Henry Oxinden’s wife, Eliza- 
beth Meredith, and Master of Queen’s College, Cambridge.] 

Good Cozen, 

I am unexpectedly to goe to London toomorrow which 
bars me of the happines of so good companie att Capt. 
Percevall’s as doth nott a little greive mee, and have as great 
a desire att this time to subvert the law, I meane of necessitie, 
as ever Straford or the rest the Lawes of the Kingdom. 
Lett my service bee presented I pray to all your good com- 
panie and especially to the noble master and faire mistris of 
the house. A great deale of news is come downe butt my 
being att Heame yesterday lost the hearing of the relation of 
itt by Sir Thomas Palmer, my cozen Harbert Palmer and 
Mrt Delme, being att Dene yesterday, all full of newes, two 
maine poynts whereof are that Straford is this day to bee 
decapited att ten of the clock, by consent of King, Peeres and 
Commons, the other is that Irish Army is to bee disbanded 
suddenly and mesengers are sent by the Parliament for that 
pourpos. If your Leisure will serve you to come over this 
aftemoone you shall both heare more newes, much glad your 
frends and receive most hartie welcome from 

Your most affectionat cozen and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

From in my bed 
this morning 
Wensday 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 95] 

[“ Mr. Taylor ” was one of those members of Parliament who 
voted against the bill for the attainder of the Earl of Strafford. A 
list of their names was “ posted up at the corner of the wall of 
Sir William Brunkard’s house in the Old Palace Yard in West- 
minster ”, and they were hailed as “ Straffordians, betrayers over 
their country ”}] 

1 Cf . Verney, Notes on the Long Parliament , p. 57. 


Lovinge Brother, 

I received your letter and concerninge my brother 
Addam I am in treaty with twoe or 3 aboute him and soe 
nere as I cann I shall take the easiest and best termes, butt 
mony by somebody ther must be disbursed, but though too 
another man yett not! outt the same way ; and lett mee say 
this concerninge Adam, I beleeve he hath beene in some fait, 
butt since I have had better knowledge of the young man he is 
yet withall, I cannot much blame him for desiringe too re- 
moove, and I doubt nott butt his removinge will be much for 
his advantage. If he do as I hope he will serve out his time 
1 ... I could nott this week gett a diumall and ther is little 
busines yett done ; ther is one Mr. Taylor, a parment (sic) 
man comitted to the tower for answering, being asked whie 
he gave his voice for the Lord Straford, thatt he loved nott to 
Comitt Murder with the sword off Justice ; the (?) are nowe 
more cried downe then before. Havinge nott else for present, 
with my true respect and love to you and all frends, 

I rest 

Your truly loving Brother at Comand 

Thomas Barrow 

Adam Jull playes the knave with mee, for he promised 
me faythfully to pay my brother Swann, and writt word to 
Mr. Davenport thatt he paid him, butt he hath nott pd him 
a penny. I shall, if doe nott pay mee speedily, put him in 
jaile ; I pray doe soe much for mee ag. Mr. Richards, to 
come to some fayre end and to be honest and pay his mony. 

Lo: 28 May : 1641 



[Capel Cure MSS. Sir Thomas Peyton’s Letters.] 

[Sir Thomas Peyton first sat for Sandwich in the Short Parlia- 
ment, 1639, 2 and was again returned for the Long Parliament in 
October 1640.] 

1 Omitted, account of debts owed to Mr. Stretehay. 2 Cf. Letter CXLII. 




June 14. 1641 

Worthy Sirs, 

I could have been glad not to have had this occasion 
to write what must needes make my letter verie unacceptable 
to you. Butt since nothing can bee made better then it is by 
wishing you might nott heare what you will bee sure to feele, 
I must in very short words lett you knowe, That the Parlia- 
ment hath thought fitt nott to spare you in these last and 
indeed greatest subsidies. Theire severall votes were, to 
make the landes lyable to the charge of the whole County. 
And the Assesment of Personall Estates to goe into the 
surplusage, which is a provision of money above the common 
estimate to meete with accidentall or unseene costes. This is 
your lott at this present time, and if it would ease your con- 
dition to tell you that others are in the same, I could lett 
you knowe that all endeavours have beene that none may 
escape to be assisting in this last and great taxe and I doe 
nott knowe that any persons or places or things are spared, 
soe greate it is made, and made soe upon the reason of the 
generall convenience. Butt I suppose hoc vice only, for when 
things shall bee reduced to their first and naturall existence 
I doubt nott butt the ordinary and usuall motions of the 
body will be sufficient to discharge all the offices of it. And 
this desiring to advertise you of, that n[ews] postes, which 
observe noe measure, might nott present it to you otherwise 
then it is truely ; I rest 

Your assured freind to doe you service 

Tho: Peyton 

CLXXIII (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. no] 


I understand you are about perfecting the Act of 
oblivion and I am not left out of itt : I have therefore 



adventured to write to you, not out of a humour of hearing 
the passages of the grand and weightie affaires now in agita- 
tion or the like, but onlie to desire you to give mee to under- 
stand of your health and your Ladies, and with what itt hath 
pleased God to blesse you withall, and soe I rest 
Your loving Bro: to command 

Henrie Oxinden 

Barham . June 21. 1641 


[MS. 28,000, f. 107] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I shall forbeare to write much, onely this, I doe very 
much desire to see you, and att this time I wonder you should 
nott make hast to come up though noe manner of busines 
should call you. Here is Sir James and the Captaine much 
desire your company, and here is soe much talke off the parlia- 
ment busines thatt you will think your labour and time very 
[well] spent and the best journey you have taken a long time. 
I cannot write any Certeinty off anything, butt the Lord 
Cottington as it is reported is accused of treason, the bill is 
drawen up against the Judges, and many other things will be 
done against your coming up the midle off the next weeke, 
att which time I hope I shall see you. I pray remember 
my humble duty to my Mother, and I hope, tell I deserve the 
contrary, I shall have her love, and before I would doe any- 
thing willingly should hers or your evell will, I would perish. 
I pray remember my true love and harty respects and love 
to yourselfe. I rest 

Your truly loving brother ever att Command 

Thomas Barrow 

London first July 1641 


i6 4 i] 



[MS. 28,000, f. 109] 

Bro: Oxenden, 

Your Letter of the 21 of June I received the 14th of 
July. And then too by a great good Lucke I came to have 
it. For being in the old Exchange where I sawe your brother 
Adam Oxenden ; which was an accidentall and somewhat a 
rare discoverie too,, soe much growne is hee beyond all 
computation of mine that I was stricken with wonder at my 
tall and steepe friend ; hee told me of your Lettre at Mr. 
Barrowe’s, which gave mee good occasion to visitt another 
friend, of whom I received your Letter ; and soe you see 
whie and how I had it. And nowe to satisfie your desires in 
some part ; I must give you thankes first for your kind en- 
quirie and then lette you knowe that wee are alwais bettre for 
your well-wishes to us. And when you desire to know with 
what it hath pleased god to blesse mee withall, I must truly 
say it is soe much that it cannott be contained within the 
boundes of a letter. First a life innocuous and free a securi 
et fascibus and from Parliamentary indignation ; then a 
competent fortune and quiett, solutus omni fcenore ; then a 
good and constant condition of health ; then all advantages 
of acquiring wisedome and knowledge in a schoole where for 
ought I knowe the Interests of the whole Christian worlde 
are depending ; and after all these, another Daughter : I 
could write much more here if I thought this abstract nott 
enough for this place and your Question. And till you shall 
enquire further of mee, which you may freely doe in any 
matter you shall like to propound, I shall retaine a continuall 
habitude of being as serviceable to you as shall best become 
Your very affectionate brother 

Tho: Peyton 

July 15. 1641 





[MS. 28,000, f. 99] 


Our staying att Sir Thomas Palmer’s so late to night 
and beyond expectation caused our omission of inviting you 
this afternoone for toomorrow dinner ; but I hope you will 
excuse us, and except of this warning to bee a sufficient pre- 
paration to come to so familiar a freind’s house to dinner, 
especially when the intreaties of a whole familly is ioyn’d with 
an addition of too so noble frends of yours as Sir Thomas 
Palmer and Sir William Meredith, who will neither eate nor 
drinke till they have seene you but against stomack ; pray 
therefore fayle nott, as you tender the good of these and the 
rest of your frends, and bee heere att Dene about eleven of the 
clock to-morrow, where you shall bee a companion for a 
countesse, I ever thought you to bee on for a Prince, and so 
waiting for the honnour of that companie I rest 
Your frend and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

Thursday night 
very late . July 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 25] 

Loving Brother, 

I received by Shep d 7 U , the which toomorrow I 
shall retume to Oxenford. I should bee hartily glad to see 
you here and I am nott outt of hopes butt I shall. Here’s 
litle busines of note done yett in the house, itt [is] nowe 
againe generally thought that Bishops will stand . I have heard 
itt by divers Parliamentt menn thatt Citty had this day hear- 
ing for London Derry and itt is thought itt will be restored. 



The Queene hath now given her Resolucion to the house 
thatt shee will stay att home and nott goe to the Spawe. 
Other newes I have [not] wherefore praying you to remember 
my duty to my mother, and my love and Respects to my 
sister Elizabeth, with my truest respect and love to yourselfe, 
I rest 

Your truly loving brother at Comand 

Thomas Barrow 

Lon[don ] 21th July 164- 
[July 1641] 


[MS. 28,000, f. Ill] 

[The life of John Warner (1581-1667), Bishop of Rochester 
(1637-1666), the devoted adherent of the Church and the Mon- 
archy, the friend of Archbishop Laud and correspondent of 
Jeremy Taylor, the founder of Bromley College, has been written 
by his kinsman, Edward Lee-Warner (1905). We are here only 
concerned with his East Kentish connections. On the appoint- 
ment of Archbishop Abbot, he held the Rectory of Bishopsbourne 
with the Chapelry of Barham from 1619 to 1646, when it was 
sequestered ( cf . “ Mr. Walner ”, Letter CVII). He was Canon 
of Canterbury 1616-1637, and the donor of the Font which 
stands in the Nave of the Cathedral. 

Henry Oxinden held the Tithes and Parsonage of Barham on 
lease from the Bishop for three years, ending Michaelmas 1643.] 


You send me word that you have paid to Mr. Lyne 
for my use 102 11 10 s due at Midsommer last, for the rent of 
the parsonage of Barham, which being so payd, for I have not 
heard from Mr. Lyne, I doe acquit you of as if it had beene 
payd into mine owne hands. 

I wrote to Mr. Lyne a good while since that he should be 
punctually carefull in the performing of any promises con- 
cerning the repaire of the Barne. I thinke Mr. Woods can 
testifie as much by his letters. If through any occasion 



there be default, I pray excuse me and send to Mr. Lyne, 
who, I hope, will at my earnest request, put of some of his 
owne greater busines to satisfy you. 

Heere is a report that the Scots’ Army make little hast, as 
though they intended not this Summer to see their owne 
Country, although five of our Regiments, being more than 
the third part of our whole Army, be by this time disbanded. 
We heare not to the contrary but that the King holds his 
journey to Scotland the 10th of August, but for the Queene, 
who had purposed to goe over to Utricht and to have dranke 
the waters of the Spaw for her health, at the earnest motion of 
the two houses of Parliament she hath stayed her jorney. 

On Saterday last, two of our great Lords at a Committee 
[com]e 1 unto the Parliament house sitting with other Lords 
on Parliament busines forgat themselves so farre that the one, 
viz the Lord [Chamb]erlaine 1 of the King's house, told the 
Lord Mowbray, sonne and heire [of the] 1 Earle of Arundell, 
it was false ; whereupon the Lord Mowbray [gave] 1 the Lie. 
The Chamberlaine strooke with his white staffe, the other 
threw a Standish but missed. The Chamberlaine hereon 
strooke a second blow, and for this, on Munday last in the 
morning, they were both committed by warrant of the Lords’ 
house to the Tower. Yesterday the Lord Chamberlaine 
petitioned the house, and it is expected that the Lord Mow- 
bray doe the same today : whereupon I conceive they will 
both have their release. Some talke there is as though upon 
the King’s going to Scotland the houses will make a Recesse 
till after Michaelmas, yet so as the House of Commons will 
have a standing Committee to adjourne from week [to week] 
and if need should be to call the whole house together againe. 
This paper bids me make an end yet never to cease being 
Your freind to serve you 

Jo: Roffens 

July 2 2 1641 

1 Missing words supplied. 




[MS. 28,000, f. 1 1 IV.] 


in God John, Lord Bp. of Rochester 
Right Reverend Sir, 

I rd your letter and doe most kindlie thank you for 
the newes I received in it from you. 

I make noe question but Mr. Line hath certyfied you of his 
receipt of the rent due unto you, of the payment whereof I 
was punctually carefull, and make noe question but that your 
Lordship will bee noe lesse in performing your promise about 
the reparations of all those edifices which I am to leave at 
the determination of my lease repaired, mayntained, upheld, 
sustained, amongst which the Cove att the southend of the 
Barne is the most necessarie, and without which I shall in 
vaine lay my corne in that end thereof : and shall not know 
how to keepe my cattell in winter without itt, for they will 
not be able in tempestious weather to stand sub Dio frigido 
without apparant and unavoideable danger of losse to mee and 
of themselves. The Timber and other necessaries for it are 
all caused to bee brought by Mr. Lines’ appointment : it 
seemes since having heard from your Lordship hee hath 
stopped his intended proceedings about the reparations, 
which he cannot but conceive, according to his first apprecia- 
tion, to bee most absolutely necessarie. And could he con- 
ceive otherwise, yett the number of yeares one or other hath 
stood there, and the judgement of soe many succeeding 
Parsons, and the common reason of all men besides, would 
bee sufficient to approve itt : and hee that shall deny com- 
mon reason, as the fire to burne, Aristotele judice projiciatur 
in ignem, and hee that shall deny the Aire in winter in our 
Clymate to bee cold would bee pronounced by the same 
Judge to make tryall by an experiment. 

Lett not the want hereof I beseech you adde to the rest of 
my losses which I shall suffer this yeare, which according to 



the opinion of the best understanding men in such affaires is 
adjudged at £40, and for which I can neither blame heaven 
nor you, all though if itt had pleased itt to have sent more 
raine and your Lordship to have abated more rent, I might 
have avoided, notwithstanding I remaine thankfull to both. 1 
. . . Mr. Line hath beene fearefull least hee might put your 
Lordship to too much charge, and the mason, haueing taken 
the worke of him by the great, is likewise afraid of putting 
himselfe to the like, and therefore is not a little backward in 
exam[in]ing of divers most necessarie places, which ere long 
will themselves shew the truth of my assertion better then 
I know how in wordes to expresse. And that I may beeget 
a farther credence of this, I will assure you the Mason told 
mee the whole barne wanted new ripping if it had its right 
and sic de caeteris. 

I shall not att this time trouble your Lordship anie further 
about these matters, knowing your Lordship to have more 
weighty affaires in agitation, therefore will only give you 
under my hand that I am 

Your Lordship’s servant 
ad aras 

to bee commanded 

Henrie Oxinden 

Aug. 4 1641 


[MS. 28,000, f. no] 


Tempora si numeres bene quae numeramus amantes 
Non venit ante suum nostra querela diem. 

After three weekes longing and after all my hopes of 
hearing from you were expired, att the last I received a letter 
from you. A letter the more Wellcome unto mee in regard 

1 H. O. repeats the same arguments. 20 lines omitted 



itt conteined soe great, soe rare, soe manie blessings accumu- 
lated uppon you by the giver of everie good and perfect 
gift. Certainly they are only pauci quos aequus amavit 
Jupiter who have soe large a share in the happinesse of his 

Among the rest of your enumerated blessings I account itt 
noe small one to bee solutus omni foenore, in regard, as 
Solomon well observed, the borrower is a servant to the 
lender : for my part I can only apply the other part of the ode 
unto myselfe and say I am Ille qui procul negotiis, Ut prisca 
gens mortalium Paterna rura bobus exercet suis, Forumque 
vitat et superba civium potentiorum limina. But that which 
I esteeme greater is the advantage of getting wisedome and 
knowledge, because the wisest of men stiled him blessed 
that getteth her, for her merchandise is better then the mer- 
chandize of silver and her gaine better then gold ; it is more 
pretious than pearles and all things that thou canst desire are 
not to be conpared unto her. I understand likewise that 
God hath blessed you with a daughter, and I desire him to 
give you and your Ladie much joy of her, and had you onlie 
certified mee of your health and hers itt had bene as much as 
I expected to heare of the Question, having no farther reach 
or meaning in it, Soe in hast I rest 

Your trulie affectionate bro: and servant 

Henrie Oxinden 

Aug: 1. 1641 


[MS. 38,000, f. 1 1 5] 


I pray know that it was long after the conclusion of 
our bargaine for the parsonage of Barham before ever I 
heard that Mr. Lyne did covenant or promise for me to erect 
a Cove at the end of the Barne. Nay let me tell you, till 
yourselfe and Mr. Woods, by late letters informed me that 



timber and materials were brought for building such a Cove, 

I did not know that Mr. Lyne was about such a worke ; for 
to my remembrance the first that I heard of the busines was 
within these 3 weekes from Mr. Lyne, who only propounded 
unto me whether or no that I thought fit to erect a Cove, the 
charge whereof would amount to about io 11 . To which 
then, as now, for answer I referred my selfe unto Mr. Lyne’s 
covenant or promise on my behalfe, not countermanding the 
thing, if I were ingaged, and yet if indifferently free, that I 
might be spared for a further time, thereby to doe it with less 
charge and with some meanes of reparation from Pollen. 

Sir, the King departed from London on Tuesday about 

II of the clock : we conceive he will stay at Berwicke till 
some part of the next weeke. The treaty betwixt us and the 
Scots is fully finished and exemplifications under Seale given 
to each part. They are to passe the Twedd the 25th or 26th 
of this present August. The 7th of September there is a 
Thanksgiving publique to be made both in England and 
Scotland for the joy of a concluded peace. This afternoone 
many of the Lords bid the Queene mother farewell entring 
upon her journey, and after it most of the Lords themselves 
will be hourely leaving the Parlament, but when or what 
kind of Recesse there will be I cannot yet tell you. In the 
meane I rest 

Your very lo: freind to serve you 

Jo: Roffens 

Westm r Aug . 12. 1641 


[MS. 28,000, f. 1 1 7] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I thought good to give notice that my brother Adam 
is gone from the Exchange ; he lives with his Master Brooks, 
whoe hath noe Imploymentt at all for him, and I feare iff he 
there continues butt a while itt will do him very much hurtt. 



I have laboured and indeavoured all I could to procure him a 
convenient master upon that Exchange, but whatt the reason 
is I know nott, I can by noe means doe Itt, he hath there some 
preiudice butt howe itt came I cannot Judge. I could wish 
you had come to towne in Easter or the last terme, happily by 
one meanes or other you might have procured thatt he might 
have stayed with his master, but thatt is nowe too late ; he 
was earnest with mee to have written to my mother (to 
whome I pray remember my humble duty) to give way he 
may goe beyond sea, butt I desired therein to be excused, for 
thatt was a business which I durst not meddle with and he 
hath I beleve written to her himselfe, but howe to advise 
for itt I knowe nott. I protest I have and ever will doe as for 
my owne Child anything I cann which may tend too his good, 
butt more than I cann cannott be expected. What newes is 
this enclosed paper will testifie, and soe with the remembrance 
etc., I rest 

Your truly loving brother ever att command 

Thomas Barrow 

London igth August 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 1 19] 

Lovinge Brother, 

My most humble servis remembred unto you ; and 
my Brother Barrow did show me a Letter where in you write 
words that if i can goe to sea without any cost to my mother or 
you, I may goe, which I do verely beeleeve I may, for i know 
that my master beeing soe honest a man will get mee a place 
to goe and will be at the Charges himsealfe. Soe only my 
desire is that you would bee pleased to speake to my mother 
that I may have her good will to goe. I can not for my part 
blame my master in anythinge, for if that I could have gotten 
a master that had beene an honest man upon any reasonable 
tearmes, I know my master would not have been backwards 



in anythinge. If that I may get my mother’s good will with 
yours and the rest of my frends, I know I may goe in a 
Creditable way without any Cost or Charge to my frends. 

Soe desiringe you that you would be pleased to remember 
my humble duty to my mother, i rest 

Your truly lovinge brother till death 

Ad: Oxenden 

August Z'jth 1641 


[MS. 28,000, f. 45] 

Good Cozen, 

To acquitt myselfe of my promise, I heere send you 
my boy and this paper to acquaint you with our intention to 
wait on the Queene Mother, and our probable hopes of 
effecting our desires ; our time praefixt of being at the 
chequers in Canterbury is att twelfe of the clocke tomorrow 
being thursday, att which place and time pray fayle nott to 
meete, as you tender the service : Farewell 
Your freind and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

CLXXXIV (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 356] 

Good Brother, 

My mother rd a letter from my bro: Adam which 
hath so much troubled her that shee is not able to write : she 
cannot conceive how it comes to passe that my Brother 
Adam giveing his Mr. Brooks content all the while hee lived 
with him should now bee soe suddenly changed with his 
Maister : which in my opinion may iustly give an occasion 
of beleife that the young man his maister is in fault. This 


From a portrait by Cornells Janssen in the possession of O Dan, Esq 
Photographer, Donald Macbeth 


consideration and beleife hath caused her to have counsel 
uppon the matter ; which hath resolved her thus, that in 
regard that my brother Adam consented not according to the 
order of the Cittie to serve this man, that Mr. Brooks is 
bound by Law to place him accordinge to his likinge. She 
would allsoe that you would entertaine consell uppon this 
matter and follow it till St. Mich., at which time shee in- 
tendeth to come on purpose to London and follow the sute 
herself, being resolved to engage her whole fortune rather 
then to have her sonne wronged in this manner. It seemes 
strange to mee likewise as well as to her that hee should 
bee put from his maister and nothing at all that wee can 
heare alledged by his maister agt. him. 

If hee should be found gultie of any velonious crimes such 
as were intollerable in a prentice there were some reason for 
what is done, but as yet wee are not informed of any such 
matters, and till wee are, wee were extreamly to be blamed 
by the whole world, shee to see her sonne, and myselfe to see 
my brother, receive anie wrong in the least kind if it is in our 
fortune to remedy. Hee writes to my mother to goe to sea 
till the rest of his time bee expired, which how hee will doe 
wee know not ; for wee have noe acquaintance to place him 
in that course, neither can bee at any charges in setting him 
in a new course, having expended well as wee conceive in 
another. But if it appeare that hee bee in fait and fickle in 
following the profession he was late in — if hee know how to 
order his matters in that way hee speaks of, without trouble or 
cost to her, I see not but shee will give way to it. I find her 
of my disposition in this, that though shee be loving to her 
children that take good courses, and willing to doe what she 
can for them soe long as they doe soe, yet if they will not bee 
persuaded, to persuade herselfe not to bee exceding troubled 
for that cannot be healped. 

I doe not understand that this is time of yeare to goe for 
the East Indies 1 neither how he will imply himself in the 
interim : it cannot be thought any wayes fit for him to reside 
1 That is, to join his cousin, Sir George Oxinden. 

21 1 


in the country, neither to bee out of imployment wheresoever 
hee bee. 

I give you thanks for the newes you send mee : here is 
little. The Queene mother arrived at Dover about 7 of the 
clocke uppon Saturday night : she made some stay agt. Sir 
Tho. Wilford’s Welke woods where shee had some fruit which 
came from my brother Bargrave’s presented unto her ; I 
saw her take a peare, and her 2 dogs drinke some water, but 
somewhat disdainfulle in regard the glase where the water 
was in was not brought uppon a silver plate, which was much 
inquired for. 

The Queene mother did not unmaske, but in requitall of 
some few ladys’ and gent, atendance there did vouch safe to 
have the bate of the Caroch put downe and threw her vest 
uppon it, where they and myselfe had the honour (if it may 
bee called an honour) to salute the hem thereof : ther was the 
lord of Arundell and the lord of Oxford and some few others 
with her. 

The Thursday before, Sir Tho. Palmer, Sir George Theo- 
bald, 1 my Cosen Oxinden and myselfe waited uppon the 
lady Oxinden and my Cozin Oxinden ’s lady 2 to the king’s 
pallace at Canterbury 3 where she lay : after dinner about 
3 of the Clocke wee were admitted into her presence : after 
the ceremony aforesaid she did my Cousin Oxinden ’s lady 
the honour as to speake to her, who answeared her in soe 
good french as shee was commended for it, and this was 
esteemed noe small favor. 

There is one thing I forgot to certify you of at the begin- 
ning of my letter, that the matter my mother insisteth uppon 
is, that she absolutely beleiveth my brother Adam to bee 
treated [unjustly] in regard that hee was promised that hee 
shuld bee with the young man as his Mr. Brooks his servant 
and not as the young man’s etc, which after hee was with 
him hee found no such matter, and this shee is able she sayth 
to prove ; and truly I conceive that there is noe man but 
would judge this to be very uniust dealings ; soe that the 

l Cf. p.288, 2 Elizabeth Meredith. 3 Formerly St. Augustine’s Abbey. 



question will not bee whether my brother Adam neglect his 
shop, or follow drinking or the like ; but whether hee had 
his promise fulfilled unto him ; and not having it, whether 
hee is not to chuse a new Maister, and his former to bee at the 
cost of binding him for the same time and uppon the same 
conditions hee was to serve his Mr. Brooks. 

[No signature.] 



[MS. 28,000, f. 123] 

Lovinge Brother, 

1 ... I could wish you would forbeare soe hard a 
Censure as that you were Cheated till you rightly understand 
howe things stand, to write soe many particulars or circum- 
stances as the case requires time will nott permitt, butt yett 
iff it t would, I hold itt not convenient to write. Whatsoever 
my mother or you please too command to the utmost off my 
power I will fullfill, butt too beginn a suite where there is noe 
manner of ground for itt, I should much preiudice all thatt 
shall have a hand in it and shewe myselfe very simple. 

I showed the letter to my brother Adam and willed him too 
answer. Had you spoken with Mr. Brooks and he had 
denyed or refused too doe the utmost he could too place Adam, 
or to pay such a portion of the monies back as any honest 
man should thinck fitting, then you had cause of such Con- 
ceipts, or to beginn a suite, butt he refusinge nothinge which 
befits or besemes an honest man too doe, I should con- 
ceive myself dishonest and very weake to beginn a suite 
which my Conscience tells mee there is noe manner of Cause. 
But you will say whie is nott Adam placed. I can truly 
answere that I have made 100 Journies aboute Itt, and both 
Mr. Brooks and myselfe wee have done what we could but 
cannott gett a master, but then you will alsoe require a reason 
whie we cannot ; I can give nothing butt this, that such as 

1 Some lines of introductory greeting omitted. 



are fitting masters for him say they are full and will nott have 
him ; others that happily would have had him, butt they were 
such as upon good consideracion I altogether thought un- 
fittinge for him, and this concerning that is my answer ; and 
for his goinge beyond sea, to which he hath an earnest desire, 
I cannot, will not, judge whether convenient or noe, but leave 
it too better judgementts, but this much I beleve, he may goe 
in a Reasonable Creditable way and without chardge too any 
butt his master. 

Newes I heare nott any, and therefore praying you re- 
member, etc. In hast I rest 

Your truly loving brother att Comand 

Thomas Barrow 

Lo: first f ri% 1641 

I have writt in payne, being not, nor having bene, perfect 
well this seaven night. 

CLXXXVI (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 357 V.] 

Good Brother, 

As you say in the beginning of your letter so say I, I 
cannot tell what to write : when I consider with my selfe 
what paines you have taken in the behalfe of my brother 
Adam and what little effect they have taken, I cannot but 
thinke our ingagements great and your and our ill fortune 
to be paraleld unto them. And truly for my owne part I am 
sorry you are put to so much trouble, and greved even to the 
heart that my brother Adam is out of his profession, which I 
beseech you either suddainely , one way or another, plainly and 
fully, informe mee of these particulars following. First, 
whether in your conscience you beleive that my brother Adam 
be averse to the course of life I put him in according to his 
owne choice and liking ; if he bee, all our cares will be 
vaine in re-establishing him in it againe. Secondly whether 



hee can now goe to sea (which by his letter it semes hee hath 
a mind to) soe as it may bee 3 or 4 yeare at least before hee 
returne. For if his returne be sooner I shall find as much 
truble with him as now : I desire and that with all my heart 
hee would follow his first course, but if hee bee averse to it I 
think noe other will bee more fitting. My mother gave mee 
a letter to seale up which I have, unsealed, sent you here in- 
cloased, which I desier you to reade, seale and deliver or send 
to him : I find she is ag fc his going to sea till all hope of getting 
him to serve out his apprenship (sic) doth fade, and then if 
the fait be in him, I persuade myselfe she will not over much 
trouble herselfe whether hee goe. Meethinks hee may bee 
by some meanes or other persuaded to serve out the residue of 
his time, after which it would be more fitting for him when 
he comes to more maturity of judgement to travale ; and I 
pray you most earnestly to your utmost to trie if you can per- 
suade him unto it. God is my judge I doe not more earnest- 
ly desire any of my children’s happines and welfare than his, 
and this I can truly say of the rest, though not be beleived by 
some of them. But this is my comfort, I alone have not 
beene borne under this Planett. Whereas you say in your 
letter that you will fullfill my mother’s and my desire to the 
utmost of your power, certainly you cannot better doe the 
same then by all way and means persuading my brother to 
serve out his time and to see him placed according to his 
liking, and after that if hee will not be ruled, wee cannot say 
but you have done your part. Doubtless the young man 
his late master ought to have fulfilled his promises to my 
brother, whereof the one was that he should have stood with 
him that vii years ; and in regard he is unwilling to fulfill his 
promises, there is noe reason but that he should see him 
placed uppon the same tearmes hee was to have fullfilled with 
him. Pray doe what lies in you to effect this, and thereby 
you will save my mother a troublesome and discontented 
journy, and nearer engage him unto you who is 

Your truly and affectionatly lo: brother 

H. O. 


Sorry for your sickenes. 

Pray send mee down five ells of holland that may bee very 
well worth 10 s the ell ; and 6 that may be worth five shillings 
the ell and lett it bee strong and lasting. The Shepheard’s 
holland I formerly had of you proved not soe strong as (I 
believe) you expected it would. 


The Letter to adam enclosed 
[MS. 28,000, f. 358] 

Sep. 13 1641 
Brother Adam, 

These are to intreat you to bee ruled by my brother 
Barrow ; and to set aside your cogitations of going to sea, 
and to serve out the rest of your time with some good M r *, 
which I am verie well assured my brother Barrow will to the 
utmost of his endeavours healpe you unto. It will bee more 
fitting for you to goe to sea hereafter when you have served 
out your time, and then you will be more able to improve 
yourselfe by travaile : I perceive my mother is much grieved 
and perplexed to thinke that you will take this course. 
There is not any under heaven in the opinion of your best 
friends soe fitt for you as the course you were formerly in. 
And this you may beleive from him who is 
Your very lo: bro. 

Henry Oxinden 


[MS. 28,000, f. 358V.] 

Kind Friend, 

It hath pleased God to visit my boy Clerkson with the 
smallpoxe about thirteen dayes since, which I thought good 
to certify you of, that if you thinke I may danger any at your 
meeting, uppon notice given I shall refraine coming, all- 



though my heart and soul will be with you. Thus with the 
tender of my gratefull respects unto you to whom [I] estimate 
myselfe infinitly obliged, I rest 

Your obedient servant to command 

H. O. 

Sep . 12. 1641 


[MS. 28,000, f. 128] 

Mr. Oxinden, 

I desier your company tomorrow all though your 
boye hath had the small poxe, for I supose that you com not 
too him yourselfe, and therefore if you dooe not speacke 
of it I thinke you shall not feare any of my Company, nor 
there will bee no feare of your coming to mee, so in hast 
I rest, hooping I shall see you tomorow, 

Your loving frend to his power 

Vinc: Denne 

Wandertun this 
i\th of September 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 130] 

Good Brother, 

I have spoken with my brother Adam, with whome I 
have, with as many powerful words and arguments as I 
could use, Indeavoured to perswade him to serve outt his time 
with another man. After many words and persuasions he 
sayd (though I must say very faintly) he would, to give his 
mother and you content, indeavour itt whatt he could, but 
seing you soe seriously inione mee to answere upon my Con- 
science to those 2 questions, I will according doe ; to the 
first I answere, 



In my conscience I find him soe averse to the Course that 
I doe verily beleive were he well placed againe he would not 
serve outt halfe his time ; and this is lickwise my opinion, 
should he serve outt his time yett would he be nott bettered 
by itt, because of his altogether indisposicon to itt. To the 
second I answere, I am confident he may nowe goe upon 
reasonable good tearmes, which oportunity being slipt, 
happily in many yeares he may nott meete the like againe ; and 
soe he stay for les then 3 yeares he cannott goe, but 4 or 5 he 
may perchaunce be made to stay. Thus have I freely answered 
accordinge ; and nowe I pray take itt nott ill iff I deale as 
freely with you, tis nott in any ill will butt in love to you and 
my brother, so I would hartily wish you had in all this time, 
or would yett, come to London, you would shewe yourself© 
a lovinge brother ; I deale freely, had I beene you, I should 
have thought myself to have done much a misse for forbear- 
ing too come all this time ; but enough off thatt, iff you will I 
will ende all againe too place him, but to what purpose itt 
will be I have before given my opinion. If according to his 
earnest desire he should goe to sea, the Resolucon must be 
speedy, otherwise [hee] will misse his oportunity, for the 
ships are to goe away in a shortt time, and thus prayinge you 
to remember my duty to my mother, and with the remem- 
brance of my true Respect and love to you and to my sister 
Elizabeth and Brother James, I rest 

Your truly loving brother ever att comand 

Thomas Barrow 

Lon: 26: 7 6ri * 1641 

My wife prayes you to remember her duty to my mother, 
shee remembers her Respects to you and too her brother 
James and sister Elizabeth, and prayes you to tell my sister 
iff shee receives the 2 peeces off stufe she hath, she hopes too 
have the bed made up soone after Michaellmas. 



CXCI (j Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 358V.] 

Good Brother, 

Seing I have used all my best endeavours to persuade 
my brother to follow his profession, and find both by your- 
selfe and himselfe and others that hee hath noe inclination to 
it, and that his mind is altogether to goe to sea, (least that 
hee may blame mee hereafter in being a hinderance to his 
fortunes) I have thought fit to leave him to his owne desire, 
desiring God to blesse and protect him. My mother nor 
I will desire to have no hand in it any farther then not to 
hinder him. I shall take some other time in excusing my not 
coming to london being now in very great haste. I could 
hardly have writ at this time but that your letter required a 
speedy answeare. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 367] 

Good Brother, 

I read your letter to my mother before my sister and 
my bro: James. Something sticks in her stomach but what 
it is she keepes to herself e. I doe thinke it is nothing con- 
cerning myselfe : yet I beleive shee will scarce stay long 
before she remoove (according to her nature) to some other 
place, but whether I know not, and I am confident not shee 
herselfe as yett. I heard her say that she wrot to my Sister 
Barrow to send her word of my Brother Adam and shee did 
not, and I gather thus much, that his ill courses, by her scarce 
beleft, hath caused both you and my selfe to suffer in her 
imagination. As concerning my coming up to London 
(though it be a place I very much love) yett hardly will any 
thing ever draw mee thether but to do my friends service, and 



to doe that I may bee enticed to take a farr greater journey. 
My sister Eliz. hath taken some course to send you your 
stuffe : I hope my sister Barrow will not bee soe cruell as to 
bring her child into the world till this cold weather be past 
and by that time that which is left undone of the stuffe may 
be finished. 


CXCIII (Draft) 


[MS. 28,000, f. 359] 

[Brentius is one of the authors quoted by Henry Oxinden’s 
countryman, Reynold Scot in the Discoverie of Witchcraft , a 
book from which many of the arguments in this letter are plainly 

Brother Bargrave, 

The bearer hereof, by name Goodwife Gilnot, either 
maliciously or ignorantly, or both maliciously and ignorantly, 
accused to bee a witch, and having thereby sustained losse 
of her good name, and by reason thereof being much troubled 
and perplexed in minde, doth become your humble petitioner 
that the calumnies layd against her may either be fully proved 
or the authors of them may receave condigne punishment. 
I can no way blame the woman for being troubled at the 
losse of her good name, for all her riches are not to be com- 
pared unto it ; if she be esteemed such a kind of creature 
everie body will be afraid of her and noe body set her aworke, 
insomuch as truely shee will bee utterlie undone. 

The allegations agt. this woman are that shee hath be- 
witched one Brake, who being ill in bed beleiveth her to bee 
the cause thereof. 

z. The said Brake hath lost divers sheepe and shee is 
accused to be the cause that they have suffered this sheep- 

To answer to the first of these allegations, I say hee is in a 
consumption, the sayd BH’~ ind will not follow our advise 


to be at the charge to go to a phisition who by God’s help 
may cure him. To the second I answer, I myselfehave lost 
divers sheepe and cattell this yeere, and soe have my neigh- 
bours likewise, who are not soe simple to beleve they were 
bewitched, nor soe malitious as to accept anybody for be- 
witching them. 

Thirdly, that she hath a wart or Teat uppon her body 
wherewith shee giveth her familier sucke. 

I answer to the third, I believe of not a marke uppon her 
body but what all women have as well as shee, or none 
injurie if they had it not. She hath a small wart uppon her 
brest, which you may see and you please, and believe it there is 
none so familier with her as to receive any sustenance from 

But such is the blindness of men in these latter times that, 
as St. Paul preached, they depart from the faith and give 
heed to spirits of error and doctrines of devills, nay speake 
lies ; and such depe roote hath the fables of witchcrafte taken 
hold in the heart of this and other silly men, now and here, 
that they will not with patience endure the hand and correc- 
tion of God, for if any adversity, sicknes, losse of corne and 
catle, doe happen to their prosperity, they accuse some 
neighbor or other for a witch ; as if there were no God in 
Israeli that ordereth all things according to his good pleasure, 
punishing both iust and uniust with losses and afflictions 
according as hee thinketh good, but that certaine creatures 
here in earth, called witches, must needes be the authors of 
men’s miseries, as though they themselves were innocents 
and had deserved no such punishments. 

O quod credibile mens hominis. 

Moreover I cannot see how any rationall man can persuade 
himselfe that a simple woman shuld doe such things as 
these ; for the Act alwayes supposeth the power, soe as if 
they will afferme such an Act done, they must the abilitie of 
the agent to doe it ; now what power hath a witch or a 
woman to doe such things as in nature are impossible for 



her to doe and in sense and reason incredible. Surely the 
naturall power of any mortall creature is not of soe large 
extent as to doe things beyond the power and vertue given 
and ingrafted by God : nether doth God permit any more 
then what the naturall order appointed by him doth require. 
This naturall order is nothing else but the ordinarie power of 
him poured into everie creature according to his nature and 
condition. If it be $[ai]d it is done by the help of the devill 
who can worke miracles ; why doe not they begin to pass 
their sicknes miraculously with whom the deill is as con- 
versant as with the other ; such mischeifs as these as are 
imputed to witches hapned before she was borne and will 
happe when she is dead ; why then shall such effect be 
atributed to that cause which being taken away will happen 
neverthelesse. Sir, my earnest request unto you is that you 
will not lightly beeleve such false and malitious reports as 
you heare, or may heare, alledged against this woman, whom 
I beeleive to bee religiously disposed. Certen I am shee 
hath undergone a great deale of labour to bring up her 
charge of children, and hath taken noe small care to have them 
instructed up in the feare of God, and therefore it is the more 
pittie to have her Labour under soe great a scandall. And 
for soe much as the neighbors healp them selves together, and 
the poore woman’s cry, though it reach to heaven, is scarce 
heard heere uppon earth, I thought I was bound in con- 
science to speake in her behalfe ; that noe hastie iudgment 
might passe uppon her, for the world is now come to that 
passe that een as when the Heathen persecuted the Christ- 
ians, if any were accused to beleve in Christ the common 
people cryed ad leones ; so now, if any woman, bee she never 
so honest, be accused for a witch, they cry ad ignem ; and 
noe marvell if common people be mistaken in this matter, 
when almost all divines, physitions and lyers [lawyers], who 
should know most, herein satisfying themselves with old 
excuses (?), have given to much credit to these fables, and the 
last and worst sentence of death uppon the supposed witches. 
But when a man ponders with himselfe that in times past all 



that severed from the Church oftimes were judged hereticks ; 
it is the lesse marvell if in this matter they resemble the 

I formerly read a saying in a learned Author by name 
Brentius who sayth this, Si quis admonuerit magistratum 
ne in miseras illas mulierculas saeviat eum ego arbitror 
divinitus excitatum, and know not but that I may be raised 
up for the purpose by God himselfe : sure I am he hath pro- 
mised a reward to them that take the part of the innocent and 
oppressed and I know by that hee will fulfill his promise. 
Time will only now give mee leave to alleige the saying of the 
poet Nullum inexorabile mens faeminas in poena est, and 
to intreat you to remember my respects to my sister Bar- 
grave and my Cozins, and to certify you that I am 

Your very lo: Bro: 

H. O. 

Sep . 23 1641. 

[Note on Letter CXCIV et seq. 

The Lady Baker. 

Between the years 1630 and 1636 the Registers of Kingston 
Church, Kent, record the baptism of eight children of Sir Thomas 
Baker, Knt., and Frances, Lady Baker, his wife. There is no 
entry of their marriage, but her connection with the parish and 
also (Letter CCIV) with “ Mistris Alis Wilford ” suggests that 
Lady Baker may have been Frances, the eldest of the numerous 
daughters of Sir Thomas Wilford (or Wilsford) of Ileden in 
Kingston, the youngest of whom was named Alice. There is 
only one Sir Thomas Baker who fulfils the necessary data, and 
that is Thomas, eldest son of Sir Richard Baker, the historian, 
Lord of the Manor of Middle Aston, Oxfordshire, and at one time 
High Sheriff of that county. Thomas Baker was knighted at 
Woodstock, Aug. 8th, 1625 - 1 Sir Richard was a cousin of Sir Henry 
Baker of Sissinghurst. The Dictionary of National Biography 
relates the disasters which he brought upon himself by chival- 
rously standing surety for the debts of his wife’s relations, the 
Mainwarings of Ightfield in Shropshire, his entire loss of fortune 

1 Shaw, Knights of England , p. 189. 



and miserable death in the Fleet prison after ten years* captivity. 
His sons, Sir Thomas Baker and Arthur Baker, who possessed no 
lands or chattels in County Oxford, paid their father’s debts to 
the extent of £12,000 or £13,000, and in so doing reduced them- 
selves to poverty. Lady Baker in 1630 petitioned the Queen for 
an extension of the protection granted to her husband and 
brother-in-law, “ their engagements being only for their father, 
who continues still in imprisonment 1 

Ten years later there is a mention of her in a letter of Dr. Bal- 
canquall ; she is staying with his wife and daughter in London, 
that is in June i 640, 2 a year or more before the abduction of 
Katherine Culling. Henry Oxinden’s remarks about the 
omission of Sir Thomas Baker’s name from the subsidy lists be- 
cause he had nothing to pay the King (Letter CXCIX), help still 
further to identify him, and the impecuniosity under which, 
through no fault of their own, the couple were labouring, together 
with their large family of young children, is some sort of excuse 
or at least explanation, for the desperate attempt to abduct a local 
heiress (though in a very small way) and make some money out 
of bargaining for her hand in marriage among fortune hunters in 
London. At this date Katherine Culling’s brother-in-law, 
Michael Huffam, the husband of her sister Leah and son of Stephen 
Huffam, Rector of St. Nicholas-at-Wade, was Curate in Charge 
at Kingston, acting for Dr. Walter Balcanquall while that dignitary 
fulfilled the duties of his Deanery. 

The Cullings, a yeoman family, had, according to Henry 
Oxinden, farmed lands in Barham for several centuries past ; this 
is borne out by leases still in existence among the Dean and 
Chapter’s papers. Their farm was at South Barham, where an 
old stone house (which has lost one wing either by fire or by slow 
decay), still crouching under the hill on the south side of the valley, 
holds the memory of the Culling sisters and of Katherine’s 
adventure in London. Apparently at the request of Katherine 
herself (cf. Letter CXCVIII) Henry Oxinden, an old friend of the 
family, undertook to act as her guardian and executor of her 
father James Culling’s will.] 

1 Cal. D.S.P., Ch. I. 1628-9, p. 383, vol. 1631-3, pp, 212, 263. 

2 lb., vol. 1640, p. 366. 



CXCIV (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 253V.] 

Mr. Huffam, 

Let mee beseech you, as you beare any love unto mee, 
not to carry your sister Kate with you, for my respects which 
nearly concerne mee, who am 

Your lo: frend to command 

H. O. 

Let mee allso to entreate you to persuade her from mee 
not to go this evening, wherein I shall acknowledg you to doe 
mee a speciall favor. I know shee may bee welcome either 
at my mother’s or at your Sister Denwood’s till your re- 

CXCV ( Draft] ) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 360V.] 

Honored Madam, 

1 ... I can certify you of noe newes in our partes : 
that your Ladiship [companie] and the rest of your family 
are much missed, both of rich and poore, I suppose can bee 
none, being but what was knowne aforehand. Uppon 
Thursday last the Lady Baker went to London and inticed 
with her the heire of Ja. Culling, uppon what grounds I 
know not. Sure I am it is a discurteous part in her not to 
have acquainted mee therewith, and that which to mee 
seemeth strange is that shee hath furnished her with some 
quantity of monie : if anie thing fall out without my know- 
ledge it will bee a 100 1 out of my way, and therefore I desire 
your Ladyship or my sister (sic) Dalis on to make a visit to see 
the Lady Baker, not taking any notice, as if you knew anie 

1 About ten lines omitted of money matters and family greetings. 

P 225 


thing in this busines, but only came to see her ; and by the 
by to take some occasion to speake privatly to my charge, and 
to counsell her to be ruled by her brother, and get her to bee 
with you a fourthnight, and this I will estimate as a great 
favor and put it downe among many oder of your noble 
curtesies, which I shall ever acknowledge though never know 
how to requite. I desire to heare from your Ladyship at 
the first opportunity, and thus with the tender of my respects 
and real wishes to your whole family 
I am 

Your obliged servant 


Pray lett this letter 
bee kept for my Cozin 


[MS. 28,000, f. 360V.] 

Deare Cozin, 

I am not a little melancholie for want of your com- 
panie, wishing I could bee so happie as to enioy. I desire 
that I might have your picture by mee, that I might take 
pleasure in beholding it : surely the substance of that body 
is deare to him that will rightly value the shadow thereof, as 
will doe 

Your affectionate freind and servant 

H. Oxinden 

I am most extremely vexed at the Lady Baker, in so much 
as you cannot doe mee a greater favor then out of relation to 
mee to perswade her to bee with you a fourthnight, as I am 
confident you may, and this I will estimate as a great [un- 



CXCVII {Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 361V.] 


I doe not remember that I spake anie one word to your 
sister Ellen about your sister Katherine : and therefore may 
thinke that your sister, beinge descreet and wise, may uppon 
second cogitations have a care of her, as I for my part have 
ever had, as allsoe as great an opinion of her discretion as 
anie body ; and the more because, as I thought, I found her 
willing, according to her father’s counsel, to be ruled by mee, 
for whose sake first, and next for her owne, I have beene 
carefull ; nay such was my confidence in her that I beleft 
that all the world could not have persuaded her to anie 
thinke that I was absolutely averse unto ; and there uppon 
grounded a strange good opinion and liking of her ; neither 
shall this one unadvised act of hers cancell my care of her ; 
the long and ancient love betwixt her father and mine, and 
myselfe and him, forbids that ; yet it must needs put mee in 
mind of the frailtie of her sexe ; which I perceive will hardly 
be restrained from their will, notwithstanding anie com- 
mandment of an heavenly or earthly father to the contrary. 
I am in hast and therefore shall onely desire you to remember 
my best respects to your kind wife and your sister and cozin, 
and desire you to come over and dine with mee tomorrow and 
I will take advice of you and rest 

Your affectionate friend 

No: 9, 1641 H. Oxinden 

CXCVIII (Draft) 


[MS. 28,000, f. 362] 

Noble Sir, 

I have received your letter and thanke you for your 
care and paines in the busines I requested : in the begin- 



ning of your letter you say the party who I wrot about is 
kept verie cloase ; which seemes strange to mee, in regarde 
the Lady, as I am informed since, made verie great protesta- 
tions to the partie ’s sister that shee intended nothing in carry- 
ing her up, but only out of love to her, and to shew her the 
Cittie, etc. ; and sure I am, the partie was ignorant of anie 
of their intentions, and, except they besot her, will not easily 
incline to anything may prejudice herselfe : there was noe 
small meanes and cunning used in procuring her to goe ; and 
there are great probabilities and strong presumptions that 
how cloase soe ever their busines be carryed, there was evill 
intended, and that all the world shall never persuade mee to 
the contrary. Certain it is that I am affronted in it, and if I 
knew how to be revenged I would ; the Lady knew well 
enough that I was her gardian, and that I was utterly against 
her going, and as I am informed was therefore the more 
eager in it. I am unwilling to preiudice the partie soe much 
as to come after her, as if she were so void of discretions as to 
be cosened ; but if it could but bee perceived that they have 
any way gon about to dispose of her, I would then do the 
utmost that lyeth in my power to hinder her intentions in the 
most disgracefull way I could imagine. I know that were I 
in persone, it lay not in the power of all endeavours to per- 
suade her to anie thing whatsoever I should bee agt, but in 
absence how feaceable it may bee I have sufficiently learned 
by experience. This that makes mee the more remisse in 
the busines is that I may, if anything fall not out amisse, bee 
thought suspitious without a cause : yet I know well enough 
that, all circumstances considered, noe wise man but would 
imagine what I have done. Doe but soe much in your next 
letter as but write that you are of opinion that they have some 
end uppon her and I will come up. And if soe bee that there 
bee any danger in the interim, I am well assured that if anie 
of you doe but speake to her she will be persuaded. 

It will bee a great dishonor to me to have her disposed of, 
though never soe well, if it bee agt. my knowledge ; and not 
small will bee my losse if it should soe fall out ; all which 



considered, I doe trust, if you find cause, you will amongst 
you take it in part your owne cause, and venture some small 
hazard rather then lett mee certaine suffer. There are 20 
wayes, if you will but use my name, to frustrate what may bee 
endeavoured, and if any matter of charge be requisite in the 
busines, I will pay it, from one pound to an hundred. 

I have, uppon that cause of mistrust that is given mee, 
procured Mr. Huffam, her bro: in-law, to come up to London, 
to get her to come downe to his house againe. I cannot per- 
suade him to suspect any plot in the journey : neither if 
could, will hee bee persuaded anybody could effect their 
design upon her. I know not whether in the extreme windy 
and wett weather was uppon Thursday last hee stayed his 
iorny or noe, neither whether hee have power to get her to 
come with him. 

I saw my brother Richard a horsback to goe toward London 
uppon Sunday night : hee made the more hast out of the 
Country because of the Irish Employment. My brother 
James is willing to goe for the same, if hee may have a place, 
and I am sorry my occasions are such as I may not goe my- 
selfe. I give your Lady many thanks for her care of my 
affaires, and account it as my greatest happines that I have 
soe true friends as I find you both to bee uppon all occasions 
that may further my designes, and therefore rest consoled that 
nothing can happen amisse to mee or mine in a business 
which lyeth within the reach of your knowledge and power, 
and therefore shall defer my iorny to London untill such time 
as I come of purpose to waite uppon you, which I intend (God 
willing) ere it long bee to do and to give you thankes for your 
love, and rest 

Your affectionately lo: Nephew and servant 

H. O. 

Pray speake my services to my sister (sic) Dalison and my 
sister Sib and acquaint my Coz H. Oxinden that I wonder I 
doe not heare from him. 

There was one thing I forgot to acquent you with in my 
letter, viz. that the party spoken of is executrix by her father's 



will, and shee desired mee to bee her guardian, and chose mee 
in the Court, and I entred into 300 1 bond, and Mr. Den and 
Gabrell Richards stand bound with mee for the true dealing 
in the said busines, and I tooke my oath likewise for the same. 

No: 12, 1641 

CXCIX (Draft) 


[MS. 28,000, f. 363] 

[Dr. Thomas Paske (p. 232) was Master of Clare Hall, Arch- 
deacon of London, Rector of Much Hadham, and a Canon in the 
fifth Prebend of Canterbury Cathedral. In a letter dated from 
Hadham, Dec. 15th, 1635, 1 he excuses himself for not keeping his 
residence, as he is hindered from coming to Canterbury by an 
“ eruption of sicknesse in Cambridge He was, however, 
Vice-Dean in August 1642, when Colonel Edwyn Sandys arrived 
at the Cathedral with his troopers, and has left a description of 
their “ entering the church and quire, giant-like ... to fight 
against God Himself ”, tearing and defacing the hangings and 
ornaments, and as they left the Precincts shooting at the Statue of 
Christ “ in the Frontispiece of the South-gate ”. Dr. Paske was 
sequestered from all his preferments during the Civil War but 
re-appointed at the Restoration. He died in 1662. Captain 
Dixwell, John Dixwell the Regicide, was a younger brother of 
Sir Basil Dixwell of Brome. Sir Edward Boys was of Fredville, 
Nonington, where his family were established from 1507 to 1687. 
He served in Parliament for Sandwich 1626, for Dover 1639 and 
1640, and was Lieutenant of Dover Castle in 1643. He married 
Elizabeth, co-heiress of Alexander Hamon of Acrise. A “ Mr. 
Man ” was at this time Rector of St. Mildred’s, Canterbury.] 

Honored Madam, 

I rd your letter uppon Saturday wherein you have 
shewen your care of my busines, for which I give you hearty 
thankes. I certifyed you in my letter dated No: 12, being 
fryday laste, of my suspition of the lady Baker’s intent in 
being soe extraordinary importunate in getting the partie up 
x 7, 14, 2 and 3 Cal. and Index of 246 Letters, D. and C. Library. 


(After an engraving by Ravenhill in die Kentish Register 1794 ) 


to London with her etc. ; and I will allsoe blame none for the 
same, especially if you consider all circumstances, as that at 
these yeares I ought not to bee ignorent that a man that lives 
and deales in the world ought to think that all people are bent 
to mischeife ; and that they have a will to put in practise the 
wickednes of their minds soe oft as occasion shall serve ; and 
when anie mischeife lies covert for a time, it proceeds from 
an occasion unknowne, which is not come to light because 
tryall of the contrary hath not bene made, but time after- 
wards discovers it, which they say is the father of truth ; and 
I doubt not but it will doe the like in this busines. I am 
ignorant whether her brother be gon for her, or whether shee 
will come with him or noe. 

If shee doe not, then there is noe way but suddenly to get 
her from thence ; and that I beleve may bee done, if shee bee 
but assured that it is my desire to have it soe ; and I conceive 
to goe about to get her away by lord cheife Justice his warrant 
will bee a disparagement to her ; and were it not for that, I 
would take noe other corse, because by that meanes I might 
affront the Lady that hath put mee to all this trouble, and if 
it ly in her power would put mee to a great deale more. If 
shee bee not come downe I desire shee might bee given to 
understand that what mony shee shall want I will send her 
up, for I doubt the Lady for all her promises knows not how 
to furnish her ; for if shee culd furnish another body with 
mony she would know how to furnish herself, and shee 
knowes well enough that Charity begins at home. At the 
making up the cesses for the subsidies, the Cessors left her 
husband out, as thinking where nothing was to be had the 
King might lose his right. But to suppose there was noe 
purs in this busines, yet it is beleft that the partie may re- 
ceive wrong enough in being in her company ; and I like- 
wise have reason to thinke soe ; for till shee grew acquainted 
with her, she was, according to the desier of her father’s last 
will and testament, ruled by mee in all her affayres, and only 
shee hath caused her to resist that advise. . . . 1 

1 A passage omitted which H. O. repeats in the following letter. 



I take it into consideration likewise that though in some 
short space of a fourthnight or 3 weekes shee may not be 
persuaded by them she ought not in a matter of consequence, 
yet everie body knowes that in time the sturdie oake will 
bend and bowe : 

Long was it ere the Cittie Troy was taine, 

Yet was it brent at length, and Priam slaine, 

and therefore I hold it time she bee persuaded from thence, 
in respect of her owne good, and mine. 

And let the Ladie cloake herselfe from servile eies as well 
as shee can, she will never be beleft by mee nor other, who 
knowe that such as have great thoughts of themselves and 
are high in their owne eies, as shee is, will not to noe purpose 
take uppon them trouble and charge with [those they justly] 
thinke so much inferior to themselves, where there is no 
relation of or friendship or consanguinitie ; and there are 
examples sufficient of old to confirme this ; as allso how many 
heires have bene deceived in this and the like manner. And 
wise men were wont to say (and not by chance nor hazard 
neither) that hee who will see what shall bee let him consider 
what hath bene, for all things in the world at all times have 
their way in counter with the times of old. I shall expect 
your letter you have promised uppon Thursday and accord- 
ingly I shall know what to resolve uppon. 

I was at Cant, last Saturday, and there was a great upprore 
at the ordinary, and after dinner the Dene of Cant, and Dr. 
Pas[ke] requested hands to a paper to the effect that the Church 
government might remaine in such manner as it hath formerly 
done, and soe did some set their hands to it, others refuse. 

Mr. Stephens gives over his lecture as they say uppon next 
Fryday ; in these precise times hee hath few auditors ; in 
the roome of that there will bee another set up at St. Andrewes 
and Mr. John Swan undertakes it. 

I heard at the ordinary that Sir Peter Godfrey and Captaine 
Dixwell were last weeke in the field, tho all sayd the busines 
was taken up without fighting. 



Sir Tho: Palmer and Anthony Hammond intend to goe 
towards London uppon Tuesday, Sir William Brockman and 
Mr. Man uppon Thursday, and Sir Ed. Boyes and his Lady 
uppon Monday following. 

Iff a place could be procured for my brother James to goe 
one of the preachers in this Irish imployment, there will be 
no danger in deboshing of him ; I beleve hee hath bene at 
the worst that he will bee. 

My lesser Cosin Dalison is uppon recovery. It is no small 
grefe to mee that I cannot heere from my Cozin Henry 
Oxinden, pray God he have not lost the use of his hands ; if 
I can neither se him nor his picture nor his handwriting I shall 
be forced to get another Mistris, for I am sadly much alone 
and now much inclined to melancholy. I desire you to 
speake my respects to my Unkle Sir James, my Cosin 
Dalison and Sibilla and my Cosin Henrie and that I am 
Your affectionate lo: Nephew and 

servant to command 

H. O. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 136] 

Noble Cosin, 

My last letter was writen in such hast as indeed I know 
not well what it wase : I beseech you to excuse my pre- 
sumtion that dare to writ to one that doth exselle in that. 
Now I must tell you I am my mother’s scribe, who craves 
your favor in exscusing her that canot answer your most 
compleat lines, full of discreation and judgment. Your 
charge I have seenn twise sence I writ, and beefor your letter 
to my mother gave notis that you wold not have her want 
mony, I did intimate soe much to her from you, but shee 
seemed to take noe notis of it ; yett this morning she sent 
for io 11 which my mother procured for her, and Mr. Huff- 
ham that came for it sayd hee douted it wold not sarve her 



turne ; soe I tould him that if it pleased him to come againe 
a Saterday I wold provid as much more. He hath hear sent 
you a letter which will shew you the cause of his stay. I must 
now impart a great secret to you, which a good freind of mine 
hath found out, and hath faithfully promised mee to informe 
mee further : it is this John Wiborne that sarvd the M r of the 
Roules and now is a sarvant to the Lord Keeper is the man, 
and very likly it is soe, for the Lady may make good use of 
him in her sutts : ould Wiborne hath bine with the lady 
about it. I find the party much taken with the toune and her 
company, which under the Rose is none of the best, as I 
cane further informe you when I see you next ; thearfor 
good cosin, if shee come not doune a cordinge as hee hath 
promised, doe not fayle to come upe with all speed as you 
tender her good ; but with all lett mee intreat you to doe all 
things without noyse or pasion, for it is none but wemen you 
have to deale with in this matter, and you will have no satis- 
faction from them but scurvy words. In this letter you will 
receive one from your second selfe, which I know will make 
mine exseptable to your selfe and my Aunt and Cosins. I 
present the sarvis and best wishes of her that valews herselfe 
as you esteme her 

Your affectionat cosin and humble sarvant 

No: the 18 1641. 

Elizabeth Dallison 


The Letter enclosed from henry oxinden of deane to 

[MS. 28,000, f. 134] 


Your unhappie occasions heere and determinations in 
your letters gave mee dailie hope to see you heere, a iourney 
truly that I ever thought your wisedome would thinke un- 
avoidable. This caused the uselysnesse of my hand in 
writting, butt neither this nor any other occasion, how grim 



and dismall so ere they appeare in forme or substance, shall 
ever meake it and my hart unusefull to serve you, nay verilie 
they shall never wither in your service till the commander of 
them be dissolv’d. Since nether busines, nor frends, nor 
rumors of warre, nor brother, nor sister, nor uncle, nor aunt, 
nor beautie nor good companie can invite or draw you to this 
loathed of you place, yett cheife cittie of three kingdomes, 
ile leave and flie itt, and quitt all the premises to wait on 
and serve you, which God willing shall bee some time the 
next weeke. Mr. HufEam came in this instant of writing to 
my chamber ; hee presents his servis to you and doth promise 
himselfe the good hap to carie downe his sister with him on 
munday next ; hee wanted ten pounds to discharge her debts 
heare, which I sent him to my father to receive. His opinion 
and mine agree , that this journey hath don her a great deale of 
harme in many respects . For newes, trulie I was never yett 
so wise as I could writ any : pray pardon mee therefore ; 
that which is is either too uncertaine or too desperate and 
dangerous to write, nay some of itt to thinke ; if there be 
not a disstemper and confusion in the kingdom farre greater 
then hath yett been in the other two, verilie God must worke 
wonders and miracles againe, which I beseech him of infinite 
mercy to doe. This is the day of iudgement, wherein my 
cause is to receive itts finall sentence, which whether itt bee 
to my comfort or greife, Te Deum. I will, God willing, goe 
out of towne to morrow, being bard of all hope to see you 
heere, which trulie hath kept mee heere seaven or eight 
dayes ; my busines hath discharged mee longer, itt beeing 
readie and prepared a fortnight since, as well as itt is or can 
be att the present. Nether is itt convenient that I should bee 
present att the hearing ; for some reasons my mother onlie 
ought of dutie to bee there ; so that I have had nothing to 
doe heere at all but wait for your good companie. Your 
brother Richard I feare goes not in this first imployment ; 
by reason the lists are all readie full, his coronell goes nott. 
To goe somewhat lower then hee did hee can not fayle off 
now, but that hee despiseth. Itt is thought itt will bee both 



a warre of durance and great profitt ; great invitation for 
souldiers if they wil bee contented with their lott. Pray 
excuse my abruptnes for I am to goe abroad to dinner and 
itt will bee to late, and present my servis to my Aunt, my 
cozen James and Elizabeth, and I beseech axept of itt your 
selfe from 

Your most affectionat kinsman and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

Novemb. the 18 th 

I heere send you a booke of one plot, which if itt bee true, 
it is farre inferiour to what is murmur’d. 

CCII {Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 364V.] 

My most deare Cozin, 

The care you have taken in my busines I hope I may live 
the day to requite some better wayes than by talkinge at 
randome in moone shining nights, and this I beseech you to 
beleive, as you shall never here after have the least cause so 
much as to suspect to the contrary. The mony which it 
hath pleased my kind Aunt to procure for my Charge I shall 
as speedily repay as it was lovingly lent. I desier to know the 
whole summe shee hath had, and whether I shall send itt up 
to London or pay it in the Country. You may now see that 
I did not bild my confidence uppon a sandie foundation, 
and that I had sufficient ground for my faith ; and though I 
am seldome, yet I could very well now have wished I had 
bene, deceived in my surmises. You know by this time 
whether the partie bee come downe or noe : if shee bee not, 
I have had ill fortune, be hers what it will, for I shall bee 
concerned in sundrie sutes which will bee the reward of my 

Great hath bene the Art and cunning of the Ladie and her 



woman to have wrought her to that passe, who till of verie 
late, for other that I knew, had shee beene worth a kingdome, 
would have prostrated that, selfe and all at my feete. I 
thanke you for your intelligence, and for your good advice to 
come up speedily to London if she come not downe according 
to promise. I would I could as conveniently follow as I do 
heartily wish I may have noe occasion to doe soe. I give 
you thanks likewise for your politike advise to doe things with- 
out noise and passion, and for your making me learnd in the 
nature of women (I must beleive a woman speaking of 
women), who you say will give no satisfaction but only 
scurvy words ; I doe beleive this and worse of them, and 
were it not for the ever to be admired vertues in yourselfe and 
some of my freinds and kindred of that sexe, I should have 
a bad esteem of them all in generall, and thinke them to bee a 
bundle of deceit and trust never a one of them no further then 
I will ever doe the Lady and her gentlewoman. Now I have 
cause to think that 

Sure Dan Pluto was an Asse 
When as he did carry 
Proserpina from this place 
In hell with him to tarry : 

Had not he a few 
Things to discontent him 
But he must foully get a new, 

A woman to torment him. 

Torne with possessed whirle winds let her dy 
And dogs bark at her odious memory. 

But enough of this. I shall now desire your opinion of this 
young maid, who, were she let alone, would have wit enough 
to cozin herselfe and put her frends to trouble. I do per- 
suade myselfe, if this iorny have no way spoiled her, shee 
might bee none of the worst of her sexe. Good Cozin, if you 
can possible, save mee a trouble so redy to hand as at this 
time, espeacially since my second selfe hath in his letter pro- 
mised to be with mee this weeke, and I desire to come up to 

237 - 


London uppon no other occasion then to see your selfe, my 
unkle and Ant., save very few of the rest of my frends, to 
whom I present the service and best wishes of him who values 
himselfe as you esteme of him 

Your most affectionate Cozin and 
humble servant 



[MS. 28,000, f. 365V.] 

Honored Cozin, 

The partie came home uppon Thursday night as her 
brother hath informed mee. What hath bene plotted, 
attempted or discovered I know nothing from herselfe, hav- 
ing not yett seene her. But I kept company with her 
brother from 9 in the morning till 12 at night with an intent to 
learne of him what I could, and hee assevered thus much unto 
me ; that ther was great labouring to get her to have a man 
whom they [erasure] confidently and vehemently avouched 
to have a very good estate, and that hee was himselfe much 
wrought uppon to help effect it, and to that end they pro- 
mised to give him a liveinge of good value by the yeare. He 
said his answear was that he would not be unfaithfull to his 
friend uppon anie tearmes ; but thus much, he sd, he pro- 
mised, that if the match were so good as they avouched, if 
they would acquaint mee with it, hee would doe all hee could 
to effect it ; and herein he thinks hee hath done somewhat 
meritorious, and I should have thought soe too, had not hee, 
as I told him since, been in great part a cause of her journy, 
partly to ingratiate himselfe with the plotters, partly because 
hee had a desire to goe to London and have his charges 
borne. And this is not lesse certainly true than the rest ; I 
was at his house the whole day two dayes before hee took the 
iorney. He did not so much as mention her, and as I was 
taking horse hee spake concerning her and I tooke no notice 



at all of it ; here uppon, next morning betimes, hee sent a 
letter to me to desier mee to supply him with money to fetch 
home his sister, and I did accordingly. He was foolish 
enough, as he hath since confessed they had a designe uppon 
her before she went, though he knew it not in particular, and 
was the lesse sollicitous of it confidinge in her discretion. 
And the truth is, if he had beene certaine of the living they 
promised him, and as certaine hee could have ever handle it, 
I have reason to doubt what might have beene the issue : he 
was afrayd uppon uncertaine grounds to venture the leste 
of that repute which might serve him in stead another time. 
Being old enough to know that ready and vigilant men ought 
allwayes to seeme to be good that they may bee once bad to 
some purpose. I told him that if the plotters could have 
helpt him to a living why could they not healp their brother 
to one ; hee sd hee thought uppon that when they promised 
him one ; however I thanked him for his fidelity : yet I kept 
my owne beleife to myselfe. Hee (although hee would have 
mee think my selfe much obliged unto him for getting her to 
come downe with him) yet, before hee was aware, did tell mee 
that she charged him by all meanes to goe with her ; but, sd 
shee, in regard the party hath showed mee kindnes, I will 
seem to bee unwillinge to leave her company ; but be sure, 
sd shee, bee you forward ; and of this ther is some pro- 
bability. Yet I am of the beleife shee liked the way shee was 
in very well, and would have bene contented to have stayed 
longer, but not with an intent to have had the man so much 
and soe highly commended to her. 

Nothing under heaven more certain then that she had a 
desire to see the king’s passage through [London] and that 
her keepers were very unwilling to part with her ; for who 
would attempt anything of such moment and not, if they 
could, effect it. I doe persuade myselfe they left noe stone 
unturned that might help with their designe, and amongst the 
rest of their plots this was one ; they contrived a letter in her 
name to her Sister, wherein was this passage : first she told 
that she was safely arrived at]London, and now, sayes shee, I 



desire to heare what my gardian sayes, for I thinke wee did 
not leave him well pleased ; and in the answeare to this they 
thought to have had matter to have wrought somewhat uppon 
her. They likewise put in her head that I had an intent to 
inslave her and keepe her all her life at Kingstone, and in 
what coulours I was set out unto her by them it is tedious to 
relate. But now they have done all they can, though they 
have for many months worked like moiles under ground, and 
for some weekes like foxes above ground, yet I am very well 
assured they shall misse of their intended prey, or else it shall 
cost mee a full. 

The letter you sent bearing date No: 15, in which was one 
incloased from Sir James, I received ; if I had not I should 
not bee in quiett, for I would not for a greate deale have any 
of your letters in which particular persons are concerned and 
writ with so much fredome miscarrie. I thinke I am now of 
yeares sufficient to bee trusted with Ladies’ secrets, and 
therefore you may the more freely commit one unto my 
trust ; I dare assure you they shall not bee revealed to your 

When you are assured they recount anything ill of you I 
desire to heare thereof ; doubtless they had the lesse cause 
if they knew as well as I doe that my Aunt had fulfilled my 
request if it had not bene that shee was unwilling to give the 
least occasion of distast. But this is the custom of all the 
sexe, first to doe wrong and then to hate ; ’twas they that 
first iniured (?) my kind Aunt in going about to affront and 
cozin her ; then that most respective cozin, her sones most 
constant frend and yor most affectionate and faythfull ser- 
vant ; and now for sooth, according to their owne guize, they 
crie where [ware] first. For my owne part I neither value 
their love nor feare their hatred, and in the future mean to 
doe with them as we doe at Court, to gather injuries and give 
thanks ; such policy, or rather slavery, is to be used to great 
personages ; not to men of sorie fortunes. I have learned 
that hee that is discontented with any man ought first to 
meditate and weigh his owne power, and if they are so power- 



full as that they are able to discover themselves as enemies 
and openly oppresse him, then ought he planely goe that 
way as [is] least dangerous and more honorable ; and that 
hee doth draw on new injuries who neglects to revenge the 
old as time shall administer occasion, I shall very well re- 

But I hope that none of you will be over much troubled for 
what they shall resent ill in that you have done ; sith therein 
you have done yourselves right, and perhaps yourselves like- 
wise in doing that is both honourable before men and except- 
able to God. 

I sent last Saturday my man to towne on purpose to en- 
quire of Shepheard for a letter, and hee had dd it to one, hee 
knew not whom, to bee dd to mee, and it was accordingly, 
uppon Sunday after sermon at Barham ; but I was in no 
small perplexity till I received it, for I had bene zealous during 
this busines that letters might not be intercepted, and those 
I have sent I have charged the foote posts to deliver with 
their owne hand. 

I have sent the 12 1 and paid the Carriage thereof, and re- 
maine a debtor to my Aunt for the courtesy ; as allso to her- 
selfe and Sir Ja. for all their services. I desire to heare from 
you of the receipte of so much on Saturday, and will enquire 
at Sheapheard’s for a letter from you, and by him the Thurs- 
day following I intend, God willing, to answeare to the other 
halfe of your letter, which by reason I was afrayd I had tired 
you with imperfect lines, for which I beg your pardon, I 
have now omitted. I have made the more bold in being thus 
tedious in regard I remembered (as I did conceave) my com- 
pany was not thought needefull to any of you : and perhaps 
my lines may have the same fortune with myselfe, who you 
shall never heare to be other than 

Your most obliged cozin and servant 

Henry Oxinden 



CCIV (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 367] 

To My Cozin Dallison 
Honored Cozin, 

I promised you in my last letter to make answeare to 
the other halfe of your letter and I will now perform my 
promise. You say you are sorrie you have given mee 
occasion to fall soe bitterly uppon the feminine sexe. Truly 
for yourselfe you have given mee none, and were all of itt 
such as you, I should thinke every woman to excell the rarest 
man liveing, and should esteeme myself right happie if I could 
obtaine such a woman, and then might I presently enjoy the 
hight of that happines here uppon earth which the followers 
of the great prophet Mahomed doe soe greadily thirst for and 
soe earnestly hope for hereafter ; but alas, (the more is the 
pitty) there scarce in many ages lives one like to yourselfe, 
whose wisdome and beauty is manifestly such that it will 
not admitt of anie paralell, and this you may beleive to bee 
true from him whose hand knowes not to write anie thing but 
what his hearte doth dictate. I must confesse you are a 
cause of my contemning others the more, by why is itt be- 
cause they come soe infinitely short of that perfection is in 
you that I thinke them to appeare like soe manie monsters in 
nature : but perhaps you doe thinke I doe hyperbolize, 
though I meane nothing lesse, especially seing it ever hath 
and ever shall bee my constant custome to speake the naked 
truth to my frends, in despite of the proud, of children and 
fooles. But knowing you delight not in hearing your own 
deserved praise, (though the best and most delightfull sub- 
ject in the whole world) I will desist from any farther men- 
tion thereof and only say with Albion’s Eyle 

“ A fairer lady never lived and now her like doth lack 
And nature, thinke I, never will a second she compact.” 1 

1 Warner, Albion's England (Chambers’ ed.), ch. ix p. 526. The lines 
apply to Daphles, daughter of King Aganippus. 



And assure yourselfe most deare cozin that if all women in 
the world should have affronted mee yett would I for your 
sake have pardoned them all, and your merits should have 
bene sufficient satisfaction for their originall weaknes, of them 
derived from their old grandmother Eve, who would have 
her will though it were to eate of that forbidden fruit. 
Assure yourselfe I am not out of love with all women, 
though I sufficiently know that some of them are as bad as the 
Devill himselfe can wish them or possibly make them : 

Neither will I for few ofenders blame 

All of their sex, nor let a generall shame 

For some impostors their whole breed inheritt, 

But evrie one bee censured as they meritt ; 

Although the two Alcides had their lives 
Endangered both by falshood of their wives, 

Though false Eriphylae her husband sould 
To Polynices for a chain of gold, 

Yet did the faire Penelope live chast 
While twice five yeares her royall lord did wast 
In bloody battels, and as many more 
Wandring always every sea and unknown shore. 

I am heartily glad of that my Cozin Oxinden’s daughter is 
delivered from a Baker, and my Cozin Oxinden himselfe is 
no lesse glad (for aught that I feare) then if (God bless her) 
shee had beene delivered from the Devill and his dame. I 
promised you in my last letter to certify you of what I could 
learne from the party concerning the plotters, and I will now 
doe it to the utmost of my knowledge : I went over uppon 
Tuesday being Dec. 7 to her. I had but little conference 
with her but that I had was as followeth. After I had stood 
a while strange to her and accused her of taking her journy, 
she sd she hoped it was not a fault unpardonable, and herein 
she served the Ladie in that every maide (I sayd, when I was 
most angry with her, if they take not away her naturall 
sences) shee would in the winding up. 1 Afterward enquire- 

1 This passage (from f. 368V.) seems to belong at this point. 



ing of her whether the Lady did tender her a match, shee 
confessed shee did, but she sd she saw not him was wished to 
her till a weeke before shee came from London, and sd that 
when once the Ladie had breake her mind to her about the 
said match, she persisted very violent and importunate with 
her during her aboade with her to accept thereof, and she 
highly extolled the man, by name Shelton, an Iris of rare 
good (if I mistook not her information) both for estate and 
for all, and in conclusion threatned her with an after repent- 
ence if she refused him. Her answer, as she told mee, was 
this : 

Madam, if the match you have proposed mee bee so good 
as you say (as I have no reason not to beleve) I desire your 
Ladyship to healpe Ms Alis Wilford to itt, to whom I can 
afford itt. The Lady answeared she knew nothing but that 
shee deserved as good a match as she. I asked her how shee 
liked the man ; she sd shee had no reason to like him. 

I told her I heard she was growne a great gallant in Lon- 
don ; she sd shee only bought a blacke silke gownd there, 
and that in her father’s time and since shee wore as good. I 
asked her, why you did not by a coloured silke gownd ; shee 
sd it was not so fitting for her : I told her I would bespeake 
her one ; shee sd shee desired to bee excused, for she might 
not weare itt. Uppon further discourse I enquired of her if 
the plotters, the better to accomplish their ends, did not 
cunningly vilify mee to her, and endeavor to put her alto- 
gether out of conceit of mee ; she sd there had bene as much 
done for that as could possible bee done. I asked her what 
her opinion was of mee, now after all this ; she sd the better 
for their speaking against mee. After more discourse I told 
her I had rather shee had kept company at London with any- 
body else then with those she was with, and I doubted her 
iorney would not easily out of her head. Then, sd shee, I 
might have stayed at London, for I knew my owne power. 

In conclusion, her answeares were such, (when she would 
answeare at all), that I began to wonder how one of lesse 
then 17 should have so much discretion as to say iust so 



much as was fitting to be sd and no more, so that I have a 
strong beliefe (considering all things) that shee will never 
prove a Gynetta . 1 

Sure I am she may have had provocations sufficient, nay I 
dare say her company shee was in (att first unknown to her) 
was none of the best ; espeacially the mistressis (?) waiting 
woman, who was able and perhaps endeavoured to corrupt 

Curst may she bee that tryd my Charge to staine, 

And wander on the earth wretched as Cain, 

Wretched as he and not deserve least pittie , 2 
In plaguing her let miserie be wittie ; 

Lett all eies shun her and she shun each eie 
Till she be noisome as her infamy. 

May she without remorse deny God thrice 
And not be trusted more on her soules price, 

And after all selfe torment, when she dies 
May wolves teare out her heart, vultures her eies, 
Swine eat her bowels and her lying tunge 
That desyved me be to some raven flung, 

And let her carrion coarse be a longer feast 
To the King’s dogs then any other beast. 

Perhaps in regard I am so passionate in her behalfe 

you may adjudge me to be in love, and therfore I will here 
set down some verses out of Albion’s England which lead to 
that censure, they extending not to yourselfe, with [some] 
few more, and are as follows : 

That not a Q in case of love shall tie mee to consent, 

That holde the contrary more true and it no consequent, 

1 For Gynetta cf. p. 263. The paragraphs “ I told her, etc.” to “ a 
Gynetta ” are not consecutive in the MS., but numbered separately .They 
have been arranged as far as possible in the order which Henry Oxinden 
apparently intended. 

2 “ 1 01 ” in the margin. The verses are quoted, with slight adaptation 
from Donne’s poem “ the Expostulation ” (Elegy xvii) ; there, however, 
the first line runs “ Curs’d may he be that so our love hath slain ” while 
Henry Oxinden has throughout altered the pronouns from the masculine 
to the feminine gender. For Donne’s “ his falser tongue, that utter’d 
all ”, he has substituted “ her lying tunge that desyved me ”. 



Your sex withstands not place and speach, for be shee 
base or high 

A woman’s eie doth guide her wit and not her wit her 
eie. . . . 

And since the best, at best, is bad, a shrow or els a sheepe, 

Just none at all are best of all and I from all will keepe. . . . 

My leasure serves me not to love, till fish as haggards 

Till sea shall flame, till sun shall freese, till mortall men 
not dy, 

And rivers, climing up their bankes, shall leave their 
channels drie. 

When this shall be, and I not be, then may I chance to 

And then the strangest change will be that I a lover prove. 1 

But of this more hereafter. I will now acquaint you with a 
lover’s abiure (sz'c) which a friend of mine gave mee, but I 
desire you to kepe it secret, especially from such women as 
have a smale opinion of mee. 

Goe and catch a falling starre, etc. Don, p. 3. 2 

And yet notwithstanding the abiure I desire you to think that 
I have soe much religion in mee as not to put such faith in 
abiures as in my creede, neither will I persuade you to say or 
thinke ther is any such power in them but that the God of 
love may at his pleasure countermand them. I have bene 
informed that this all-commanding power is such as causes 
mortall men not only to break their words but their Oathes 
likewise, nay more, t’is sayd hee hath made Jove himself doe 
the like and enjoyned him never to accept them as anie faults 
at all, and truly I wonder how he should be faultie that takes 
a God for his example, and that this is true see what the 
Poet sayes : 

Sweet Jove himselfe, etc. p. 27 

1 “ p. 41 ” in the margin. Albion's England , loc. cit., ch. ix. p. 528. 

2 The line occurs on p. 3 of the 1635 and 1639 editions of Donne’s 




I should not here so abruptly end but that I am now in all 
post sent for to my Cozin Oxinden, neither will my paper 
suffer mee to write any more but my respects to my unkle 
and Aunt and Cozins and to give it you under my hand that 
I am 



[MS. (Maidstone) Bundle 43. 62] 

London the zi u of Novemb r . 

Revered Sir, 

This may serve to advise you that I have bin since 
severall times about your Consernes but could not get any 
answer to sattissfaction, but this night the s d Mr. Shoars did 
advise with the Curat about your desire as to the cuting of It 
out of the book, for he was not willing to doe it of himself 
without asking him the question : and It is Like they dare 
not doe it by any means, for feare of future danger : and 
theare is noe bearing of them harmeless for this Case : but 
for thear Care in keeping of It Private from any Person you 
may Rellye upon them, for thay have taken such good notice 
of the Names as not to forget It. If it be this two yeare and 
for their fidellety you need not feare thayr (?) discovery. I 
have Promised the sd Shoars to give him fourty shilling this 
time twelve mounths : your bro: James is now in London 
whome I Intend to drink a glase [of] wine with all this Night, 
which is all that offers at Present. Pressenting my Service 
to yourself and the Person unknown, I Remaine your 
humble servant to Comande 

Robt. Coulverden . 1 

1 Cf. Introduction, p. xxxii. 



God in his good time in mercy to looke upon us. Thus with 
the remembrance of my true Respect and Love to you 
I rest 

Your truly loving brother 

ever att Command 

Thomas Barrow 

London this 24^ <) her 1641 

CCVII (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 389] 

Good Brother, 

I doubt not but that at the receipt of this letter you 
will wonder, in regard you, in the rome thereof, expected my- 
selfe, but when you have read farther I doubt not but I shall 
give you good satisfaction : first it is well knowne to my 
Cozin Oxinden, who is now in the cuntry, that I am not in 
verie good health, being soe extremely trubled with the 
Cholick that though hee earnestly requested mee to goe but 
halfe a mile with him I was not able, and this can assure you 
of. I will speake nothing of the nearnes of Christmas, and 
how much heavy busines I have in hand at this time, and of 
the badnes of the weather and waies, in regard they shuld 
have bene noe obstacle to my mynd which was willing to 
perform your lo[ving] request. I trust you doe beleve 
mee and therfore I will say noe more thereof. My Cozin 
Oxinden cannot bee in London before Christmas ; whom I 
acquainted with your mind in case it had bene a sonne, who 
hath entred into a Contract with me, that if you will take the 
paines to get one, to come from the furthest parts of the 
kingdom to make it a Christian, and wee two can truly desire 
that wee may have the honour to performe our promise ; and 
had this beene one, hee would certainly have come to Lon- 
don on purpose and I uncertainly, whether alive or dead. If 
I could have come now I could not have made above 2 or 3 
dayes stay at the most and it would have been no small grefe 



to mee to have left you soe soone. My Cozin and I are re- 
solved God willing to come after Christmas, on purpose to 
be merry with you and stay some convenient while in the 

If you have otherwise determined then that I shall bee a 
Godfather to a boy hereafter, then I shall desire you will 
accept of a friend of mine, whom you nor the Ladys will not 
dislike of to bee deputy for mee ; and I have writ to my 
Cozin Dallison about it ; the partie is my bro: Captaine 
Richard Oxinden, who I know will doe soe much for mee. 
I am glad to heare my sister is soe well after her travell. My 
mother appointed mee to remember her to my sister and 
your selfe ; I heard her say shee would write to the Lady 
Oxinden to heare of my bro: Adam and I beleve shee hath ; 
shee speaks of coming to London ere long bee : sure I am, 
wheresoever she goe, shee will not allway es stay at one place. 
I desire you to speake in love to my sister and my Cozins, 
and let her know that I am sorry it soe falls out that I could 
not doe her that service in person which I soe heartyly de- 
sired. I pray God to blesse my nece that is newly come into 
this distracted world with happier lines then I have yet 
seene, and grant that shee may forsake the Deill and all his 
works, etc., and after this life enioy the other, in which is 
such joyes prepared for her as neither eie hath seene nor eare 
hath heard, nor can enter into my heart : and this desire for 
the merits of Jesus Christ, to whose protection I commit you 
all, and rest 

Your most affectionate bro: 

H. O. 

CCVIII {Draft) 


[MS. 28,000, f. 369] 

Honored Cozin, 

My brother Barrow hath requested me to come up to 
London to be a witnes for his daughter, the causes why I 


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From Brit Mus Add MS 28,000 f 378 b 


could not I have truly expressed unto him, and I hope satis- 
fyed him in them. I am very sorry I could not, both in 
regard of my brother Barrow’s desire, as allsoe that I have 
missed the honour to have two such partners as I dare boldly 
say London cannot equall ; and whosoever shall deny this, 
I shall impute either to their malice or their ignorance or 
both. I have requested my brother Barrow that I may be 
reserved to doe him service upon hee shall have a sonne : if 
hee will needes have mee promis for this, I must doe it by a 
deputie ; and therefore I have written this incloased letter 
to my brother Captain Richard Oxinden to doe soe much for 
mee and I desire you, if occasion serve, to give it him and to 
let him have 10s for the midwife and 10s the day nurse ; but 
if my brother barrow give over, as it is likely hee will, in 
regard my Cozin Oxinden and I are ingaged to christen his 
next sonne ; then pray kepe the letter and the monie to be 
otherwise disposed of. I spake to my cozin Oxinden to 
desire you to by mee a high blacke fashionable hat, at about 
18 s price, and such a kind of gold and silver hatband as my 
brother Richard’s, if it soe bee in the fashion, and as many 
ribands to it as anie were. I desire you likewise to buy mee a 
dozen and a halfe of gold and silver long buttons for a short 
coat, such as you thinke will bee sutable to the Lace you 
bought to my scarlet shute ; and may not exceed i 1 the 
dozen. I desire likewise one of the best new fashion plaine 
bands and cuffes you can gett. I desiere these things uppon 
Sat. next. There is one thing that I heare since the writing 
of the foresd Order, viz. a letter written from my Lady 
Baker, which an acquaintance of mine shewed mee, wherein 
were these words : 

Let the partie know that it is sure and certen but shee 
will repent the refusing of the match. Tis sure the Lady in 
the conclusion will find herselfe mistaken, for as I am in- 
formed the man she so highly extolled is but a servant and 
of noe estate ; however the Partie knowes not so much, but 
had shee bene assured hee had bene a greater match then the 
Lady extolled him to bee, yet for a cause that I know she would 



not have exepted of him. Cozin I will now acquaint you 
with a great secret of my owne ; which I have revealed to 
none but my Cozin Oxinden and have enjoyned him silence. 
My mother conjectures at itt, and I doubt dislikes it, and for 
that, though she bee my mother, I could wish her in another 
world if she shall persever in her dislike ; and to tell you the 
plaine truth I cannot but hate any body living that shall but 
say one word (though it bee out of a good meaning to mee), 
to dissuade mee from my intention ; I should have sd 
peremptory resolution, or rather absolute conclusion. 

I am resolved, nor can the fates of menne Resist my vows, 
though hills were sett on hill And seas mett seas, yett I would 
through, nay, such a conclusion is made in heaven, and waits 
but its celebration here uppon earth ; nay will be consum- 
mated, in great privacy (though not in very great hast). 
However it is like the Law of Medes and Persians’ unalter- 
able seals, that death itselfe, which hath power to alter many 
things, cannot hinder this ; nay I doe strongly beleive it being 
not in the power of all the Deills in hell nor Devills upon 
earth, for such [I] shall esteme them that goe about such a 
worke, to breake that True loves knot which hath asked noe 
small time to knitt together and lett it bee knowne that 

All Love tresured once growes passionate and fades. 

Pardon me most deere Cozin that I could noe longer con- 
ceale my affection to one of whom I can truly say this 

So lovely semes my faire whom I have won 
That Nature wepes and thinkes herselfe undone 
Because she takes more from her then she leaves 
And of such wondrous beauty her bereaves, 1 

and in this case it is a matter almost impossible for anie soul 
which is surround with the walls of mortality to hide up the 
couler of his affection soe cloase but that some embers thereof 
will one way or other appear, 

Oh none have power but Gods their love to hide, 
Affection hiden her eie can be discride, 

1 These lines are Henry Oxinden’s, cf. MS. 28,009, f. 87. 



The light yhidde ever itselfe discovers, 

And soe it is, ever betrayes poor lovers. 

I must confesse I had thought not to have revealed this I 
have done, but I could noe longer keepe my owne consell, 
being overjoyed to heare that you tell mee. 

Who knowes not heaven with such a love is given, 

and amongst the rest myselfe, whom I cannot esteeme other- 
wise then most happie in regard I thinke that heaven with 
this my love is given, and who for earth would leas the enjoy 
of heaven, to which I desire the father of every good and 
perfect gift in his good time to send 

Your most faithfully devoted servant 

H. O. 


PART VI. December 1641 to August 1642 



i. Public Events 

Henry Oxinden of Deane (Letter CCIX) describes the growth of 
religious disunion which marked with fanatical outbursts the late 
autumn of 1641 ; he declares that Lord Saye’s arguments repre- 
sent his own point of view, having probably in mind a speech de- 
livered earlier in the year in which Fiennes condemned the de- 
pendance of the bishops on royal favour and their holding 
of secular office. 1 Henry approves the 44 great Remonstrance 
of the State of the Church and Kingdom ” with religious 
fervour, having it ever 4 4 in beleefe and reverence of all human 
scripture ”. 

It will be remembered that the Remonstrance summarised the 
religious crisis in these words, 44 our meddling with the power of 
Episcopacy hath caused sectaries and conventicles, when idolatry 
and Popish ceremonies, introduced into the church by command 
of the Bishops, have not only debarred the people from thence 
but expelled them from the kingdom ”. 44 4 No Popery ’ was the 

cry on one side ”, is Gardiner’s comment on this passage, 44 4 No 
sectarian meetings ’ was the cry on the other. 4 No toleration ’ 
was the cry on both.” Changes are now going forward in the 
Royal Household ; in December, the Duke of Richmond, is 
made Lord High Steward ; Mr. Edward Nicholas, hitherto 
Clerk of the Council, is knighted and appointed one of the Secre- 
taries of State ; Sir Henry Vane is dismissed from his post. 

The intention of sending men and ammunition to quell the 
Irish rebellion is still unfulfilled ; for the Impressment Bill, 
although passed by the Commons, meets with opposition in the 
Lords because of the preamble denying the royal and ancient pre- 
rogative to compel men to military service outside the borders of 
their own counties (Letter CCXI). 

1 Gardiner, ii. p. 189. 



The Oxinden correspondents do not touch on the attempt on 
the Five Members, which made the outbreak of Civil War at last 
inevitable. In view of the gathering of armed bands of Cavaliers 
the Commons now proposed to call out the Trained Bands in 
counties bordering on Surrey and Buckinghamshire ; the Lords 
determined that the order should be made general for all England. 
Watches were to be set, magazines furnished ; no levy of soldiers 
nor delivery of castles or forts was to be “ without his Majesty’s 
authority signified by both Houses of Parliament ” ; Sheriffs were 
notified of their duty to preserve the peace. The Cavaliers at 
Kingston, Surrey, were now dispersed by the Trained Bands, and 
Charles, too late realising that he could no longer expect support 
in the North or in Wales, issued a conciliatory message to the 
Houses, 4 4 in exquisite languige ” (Letter CCXXIV). 

At this point Henry Oxinden of Deane takes up the thread, 
writing on Jan. 25th, 1642, and again a few days later from West- 
minster, 44 that great sphere of Activitie which now whirles about 
three whole Kingdoms ” (Letter CCXXI) ; he describes with 
enthusiasm the speech m which Pym presented in the House of 
Lords petitions from London, Middlesex, Hertfordshire and 
Essex, in support of parliamentary control of the militia and other 
means of national defence, and the opposition he there met with. 1 

The letters vividly picture the anguish of a nation face to face 
with civil strife ; they send news of the Artificers’ Petition on 
Jan. 31st, of the misery of the craftsmen through the stagnation of 
trade, of the great concourse of starving women-petitioners in 
Palace Yard. 2 Counsels of despair set about rumours of the hire 
of Danish soldiers, who were to land at Hull, 3 and of the arrival of 
French and Spanish troops ; the total loss of Ireland is predicted. 

Sir Edward Dering, of Surrenden Dering near Pluckley, is 
working his own ruin by the publication of inflammatory speeches : 
his book is ordered to be burnt and he is sent to the Tower. There 
is such a run on the obnoxious volume it is soon unobtainable for 
love or money. 

The Duke of Richmond is arraigned before both Houses on 
three charges ; the first of calling an adjournment in the Lords 
rather than they should come to any decision on Pym’s proposal ; 
the second of remissness in the prosecution of Sir Thomas 
Jermyn, the Queen’s trusted counsellor, (declared a traitor, 
Aug. 13th, 1641, on his flight to France), and of Henry Percy, 
brother of the Earl of Northumberland (concerned in a Royalist 

1 Cf. Gardiner, ii. 412-418. 2 lb. pp. 420, 431. * lb. p.410. 



army plot) ; the last, of suborning the burgesses of Dover, 
(Letter CCXXIV, “ Remiss in the proseqution of Persies and 
Jerman business ”, etc.). “ Parliament ”, says the writer, “ is 
removed this day to Mercers 1 Hall : the reason is unknowne 

Elizabeth Dallison adds a postscript to her letter of Feb. 7th, 
1641, about the Queen’s departure for Holland, where Sir 
Thomas Jermyn and Walter Montague, a Catholic gentleman, as 
well as Lord Digby, who had fled to Middelburg, already await 
her (Letter CCXXVII). 

Henry of Barham’s local news budget includes a visit of King 
Charles to Canterbury where he climbed Bell Harry Tower, and to 
the Bulwark at Dover, commanded by Sir Anthony Percevall 
(Letters CCXXVI, cf. CCXXX). 

The King’s “ graceous answer ” on Feb. 6th expresses his 
readiness to entrust the forts and militia to the nominees of the 
Parliament and promises to drop all proceedings against the five 
members. In May 1642 the Lord Keeper Lyttelton carries off 
the Great Seal to the King at York, a step which Henry of Deane 
considers of great consequence (Letter CCXXXII). The “ new 
remonstrance ” of Letter CCXXXVI refers presumably to the 
Nineteen Propositions presented by the Houses to King Charles 
on June 2nd. In several shires there are now musters in accord- 
ance with the Militia Ordinance of Parliament : this is not at 
first sent to Kent. In June 1642 the King prohibits the execution 
of the Ordinance, and issues Commissions of Array, directing the 
Trained Bands to place themselves at the disposal of officers 
appointed by himself. The Oxindens 5 neighbours are divided in 
allegiance : Sir Thomas Palmer and Anthony Hammond are 
appointed Commissioners of Array ; Colonel Edwyn Sandys 
(“ Ned Sands ”) promptly furnishes twenty horse for the Parlia- 
ment (Letter CCXXXIX) ; Henry of Deane feels himself between 
Scylla and Charybdis. East Kent on the whole is for the Parlia- 
ment, West Kent for the King (Letter CCXL). 

2. Private Affairs 

James Oxinden’s opportunity comes ; by the combined efforts 
of his brother Henry, of Sir James and of the Partherich relations, 
(who have interests in the parish through Lady Partherich’s father, 
Edward Fagge of Faversham), he is presented with the living of 
Goodnestoneby Faversham (Letters CCXIV, CCXVIII, CCXIX) 
Henry Oxinden pursues his courtship of Katherine Culling and 
pours out confidences to Elizabeth Dallison (Letters CCXIV, 
CCXVIII, CCXXII). His uncle and aunt give their consent to 



his marriage, but his mother is difficult, and maintains u a paine- 
full and moody cogitation ” (Letters CCXXVII and CCXXVIII). 
Henry of Deane protests against his cousin’s pursuit of Venus 
instead of Mars at their country’s crisis (Letter CCXXI). 

James, once beneficed, becomes a party man (Letter CCXXX). 

The affairs of Adam Oxinden, who is out of work again, cause 
his family anxiety (Letters CCXXXIII, CCXXXIV). 



[MS. 28,000, f. 163] 


Wee live heere in the west, and our newes doth much 
resemble our Situation ; you live in the East and South of 
occurrencies, and therefore in vaine and absurde were itt for 
mee to make a retrograde of knowledge praeposest. For 
these parts, they are devided into so many sects and shismes 
that certainly itt denotes the latter day to bee very neare att 
hand. Some whereof denie St. Paul and upbraid him with 
bragging, fantasticall and inconstant ; others say that there 
is noe nationall church, and so seperat fro us and the puri- 
tans as being no true church, of which kind heere are a great 
number. There is an other which preach against the keeping 
of holidayes and Christmas day, and exhort the people to 
follow their vocation thereon, and in their pulpits vilifie and 
blaspheme our saviour’s name, affirming that itt aught to bee 
of no more account then Jack or Tom, and begin to denie the 
sacrament to noted sinners or drunkards, etc., and these are 
puritans ; there is an other and they are conformalists, and 
they risort most to this place ; preists which must needs have 
a specious, pompious religion, al glorious without ; bishops 
must continue their dignities and authoritis least dispis’d 
and brought into contempt. For answer to which, and many 
other frivolus objections, I referre you to my lorde say his 
speech, whose arguments doe very much satisfie mee. I 
have very lately received the remonstrance which tho 

R 257 


blasted by some, yett for my part I shall ever have itt in 
beeleefe and reverence of all human scripture. Pray lett 
mee heere some newes from you, and whether you will 
call mee heere as you goe to London about 7 or 8 dayes 
before the terme, att which time I must goe. My servis 
pray present to the Partie and exept itt yourselfe from 
Your most affectionatt cosen 

and humble Servant 

Henr: Oxinden 

[Probably from Leeds , November 1641] 



[MS. 28,000, f. 140] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I received your letter with i2 u the which soe soone as 
ever I received according to your order I delivered to my 
Lady Oxinden . I am hartily sorry that my mother should take 
any offence, butt for this I praye God I finde myselfe noe 
way guilty of any offence to her, for I have indeavoured to 
please her and to doe my best for my brother Adam’s good 
as iff he had beene my owne Child ; att your earnest request 
I sent you word what I thought concerning my brother his 
further serving and happily [haply] shee take that ill ; I will 
have patience till shee hath further confidence of itt and 
then happily shee will be better satisfied. I doe most kindly 
thank you for your readines to doe mee soe frendly an office. 
I spake to my Cosen Dallison about Captaine Oxinden, whoe 
hopes he will be about thatt time in towne, and iff he be I 
shall be bould to require that favour, the which I hope hee 
will not refuse mee for. ... 1 

Here is nott any newes, onely (but that’s noe newes) the 
Sectaries repayres to Westminster with swords and staves 
and professe they will have noe Bishops ; having noe other 

1 Twelve lines omitted re Adam Jull’s debts. 


1641] the brink of civil war 

newes nor busines but onely to pray you to remember mine 
with my wives our duty to my mother, with the remembraunce 
of our best respects, love and servise to you, I rest 

Your truly loving brother ever att Comand 

Thomas Barrow 

London this zd 
io* m 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 142] 


I have desired Mr. Lyne to discharge you of the 
valeew of monie and to give all iust and due discharge and 

Sithence the King's returne we dayly treat of sending men 
and amunition into Ireland. I pray the manner of acting 
prove not so longe disputable till the matter be in danger of 
loosing ; for a great parte of the question is risen out of the 
preface of the Bill for pressing souldiers, in whose power it is 
to presse them. 

The Duke of Richmond is lately made Lord high steward, 
Mr. Nicholas, late Clerke of the Councell, is knighted and 
made one of his Ma ties Secretaries. It is expected dayly that 
the King will have an other newe one, for Sir Henr. Vane 
hath geven up the Signet, and in his other place is the Lord 
Savill. The Parliament busines goes slowly on, which makes 
us deeme that another yeare will hardly give an happie end, 
and yet that it might be sooner is the desire of many. 

Your assured friend to serve you 

Jo: Roffens. 

Dr . Weever’s in 
Westn? qth Dec . 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 144] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I have rec d your letter and am well satisfyed with your 
promise for the next boy, and I doubt nott, God permittinge 
us life and health, but ere Itt be long I shall call both my 
cozen and yourselfe to the performance of itt. I shall ever 
acknowledge my selfe exedingly obliged to my Cosen and 
yourselfe for your reall expressions ; there shall never bee 
wanting in mee a ready minde and will to performe any 
service whattsoever you shall comand iff it lyeth in mee. 

I carried your letter to my Cozen Dallison with the foure 
pounds and shee told mee shee was to send some things 
downe, wherefor I sentt the ell of holland to her, and itt is 
such holland that you may be seene to weare itt before the 
fayrest Lady in Kentt, for there is hardly better worne. 
Newes here is nott any good, wherefore with the remem- 
brance off my true love to you, praying you to remember 
myne with my wives dutyes to my mother, our loves to my 
brother James and sister Eliza, I rest 

Your truly loving brother att Comand 

Thomas Barrow 

London 16th December 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 145] 

Good Nephew, 

This afternoon being Tuesday notice was given me 
by my sister Partrich that Mr. Hunt of Goodneston died on 
Sunday night last, whereupon I went to them, and about 
sixe of the clocke my brother came home, so it was resolved 
betweene us that I should goe to my Lord Saye’s Secretary, 
to prepare a peticion to his Lordship, which I did, and have 



desired him to make stay of any suters that shall come in the 
meane time. I cannot say what end the busines will have, 
yet we hope well, but sure t’is fit my nephew James do pre- 
sently come up, that he may see how the busines is carried. 
I thinke few dayes will put an end to it, and therefore 
hasten him all you can up. I and my Cosin Barrowe last 
Munday met with Mr. Broke, Adam’s master, with whom we 
have ended the busines concerning my Cosin Adam, more 
whereof you shall heare the next time I write to you, only this 
much I will tell your mother, that he is resolved to goe to 
sea and I hope will get a good place, so I rest 

Your lovinge uncle 

James Oxinden 

21 st Dec . 1641 

Pray commend my love to my sister and my neece. John 
Rusbridge being come to goe for Deane I knewe not wherin 
better to employ him. I pray pay him his horse hire. 

CCXIV (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 370 V.] 

Honored Cozin, 

The longest of these inclosed measures is the circum- 
ference of my head ; the other twice the length, the stockes 
of my band and cuffes. Of my 4 desires two I have r[eceive]d, 
the buttons and holland you sent, you chose and therefore I 
like. I perceive my Cozin Henry Oxinden hath kept my 
letter so long as it will come unseasonably to you : hee would 
needs goe and see my by you stiled mistris (and seing you 
have given her that stile I thinke my selfe you were just) ; 
hee much extolled her to me, and I have noe reason to thinke 
hee dissembled ; you have commended her carriage, and for 
her wit (I might have s[ai]d wisdom) and beautie they very 
much please mee, and I shall be infinitely sorryfull if they 
should displease or disparage my best friends. 



Thrice hath the sovraigne of the day compleated his owne 
proper corse since I grew first acquainted with her, and ever 
since I have had much tryall of her and, saving where Beauty 
hath afected mee so farr as I have not spared my utmost 
endeavors, I have used such art as hath not fayled with 
others, and yet I could by no meanes prevaile with her ; and 
after my tryall, I find her very fit to make a wife of . . . , 

Out of respect to whom I chose rather to marrie to pre- 
iudice myselfe without advice and consell than to prove soe 
ingratefull as to reiect it and to beare an ill will for itt. I 
must confess when I first saw my M s I loved but could not 
till now say I was in love with her. 

I doe now begin to be of the Lady Oxinden’s belefe that 
marriages are made in heaven, and what is concluded there 
all the wit of man cannot hinder, and this I say, because, 
though I ever loved my M s , yet I endeavoured not to be in 
love with her, at least wise so as not to marry her ; not be- 
cause I did not thinke her vertuous or beautifull or of discent 
good enough for me, but because I did (and yet doe some- 
what) feare and tremble to thinke of entring into a married 
life in which I can doe nothing measurable but beget children, 
and that every foole may doe as well as a wise man : loath 
was I to set up Hercules pillars to my ambitious thought, in 
which I tooke noe lesse pleasure then in the injoyment of a 
perfect happinesse. Greved was I to think that the whole 
world was made for me and I must bee chained and fetered 
to one poor corner of a parish, and that for a small fortune (at 
least wist soe by all concerned) rating my libertie at a high 
rate. Nay, beleve mee deare Cosin, I did apply all the 
remedies I could to cure the wound which the God of love 
had given mee and not one of them would doe it. 

All my experiments which have formerly stood me in 
some sted would now doe mee no good at all : I have tryed 
to cure my selfe by labour, art and friendship, nay I have 
practised the heathen philosophers’ rule, to drive out one 
love with another as they doe a fever. I have read over 
sundrie authors uppon this subiect ; as Avicen, Savanorola’s 



nine principall observations, Jason Pratensi his 8 rules, 
Laurentius his two maine precepts, Arnoldus, Valleriola, 
Montaltus, Hildesheim, Longinus and others, and all to 
little purpose ; I turned all over Ores’ booke of the remedy 
of love and I wondered at him for seing his book by that 
title, nay I find nothing in would doe me one farthing’s worth 
of good. I have tryed to cure myself by exercise and diet 
and fasting. I have endeavoured to hinder it in its first 
growing ; in the bargaine I have kepte a whole quarter of a 
year out of her company. I have endeavoured to call to 
mind the weaknes of most women, their pride, their dis- 
simulation, their uncertainty. I have read the storie of 
Gynetta and Erickmon, how that she 

impudently grew toyous in the end, 

A supersedeas for her love was every newcome frend, 

And being now in much request and waxing proud of 

By artificiall pride she changed her naturall behavour. 

1 had then patience to heare him say : 

. . . Sweare that women be untrewe, 

Their love is but a mummerie or as an Aprill’s dew, 

Got with a Toy, gon with a toy, gifts, flattery, gawdes or 

Will make her check, and flie to game lesse faire perhaps 
then thine. 

If such they are (as such they are) and will bee whilst 
they bee, 

Why am I then soe true of love ? because not borne a shee. 1 

2 ... I have seene the embleme of those birds that fed 
about a cage, so long as they could fly away at their pleasure 
liked well of it, but when they were taken and might not get 
loose, though they had the same meate, pined away for 
sullenness and would not eate. 2 ... I have tryed Philters, 

1 Albion’s England , loc. cit p. 588 (bk. vii. ch. 36). 

2 A few of Henry’s protracted experiments to cure Love are here 



Chaceters and Chales and all to such purpose as if I had run 
my head ag* a post : I must confesse in my reading I met 
with one probable cure, t’is s[ai]d ther is a renowned rock 
in Surre called Leucetra petra of which Strabo writes, from 
which rock if any lover fling himself down headling he may 
instantly be cured ; but I am a bad [word missing] and am 
loath to goe soe far as to experience it . 1 . . . Good cozin, 
take so much pitie on me as to excuse me both to yourselfe 
and friends for promising my selfe to one who presented all 
temptations of the world, the flesh and the Devill only uppon 
uncertaine hopes of a man soe little deserving as myselfe, 
and who had no way invited soe much at her hands. When 
I censured her for her jumy to London (which fait I never 
could impute properly to her) 

To make amends poore Cate with yielding eies 
Shee offer’d up herself a sacrifice, 

To slake my anger if I were displeased, 

O what God would not therewith be appeased. 

I have not time to write what I would, in regard it is late 
and I must goe tomorrow to dinner to Mr. John Swan’s, who 
hath a daughter to be Xhied. Sir William Thompson is 
godfather, the Ladye Thompson is deputie for Mr. Boys of 
Elmston and my sister Eliz. for my mother. I would write 
to my Unkle and Aunt, were it not that I accompt it all one 
in writing to you as if I wrot to them, and I am well con- 
tented that they, but none but they, may see my letters, which 
I should be more wary in seing had you wrot somewhat in 
yours to mee which I knew you would not out to many. I 
desire some news ag 1 Xtmas, and such pamphlets as are 
come out this weeke, and to have my respects remembred 
to my unkle and Ant and Cozins, and I doe earnestly beg of 
you not to thinke I dissemble when I sweare myselfe to bee 
Your trewly affectionat cozin and servant 


*A few of Henry’s protracted experiments to cure Love are here 


1641] the brink of civil war 

Cozin, pray if hereafter you light upon a good penyworth 
in a necklet of about io 1 price let mee know of it ; the like 
of a ring. 

[Dec. 22, 1641] 



[MS. 28,000, f. 146] 

Good Nephewe, 

I writt to you on Tuesday night for your brother 
James to come up, who I have some hope to see heere this 
night or shortly after. I cannot say any thinge of certenty, 
not more then before, but for ought I see he must venture it. 
Only I would have you get certificates from the puritan 
divines of his ability in learning and civill conversacion, as 
Mr. Aide, Mr. Swan, and as many as you can of that society, 
and to send up, if he be come away already, his testimony 
where he was made minister, and send it away after him as 
soone as you can without sending post haste, I meane but by 
the ordinary post. Thes things ar thought fit to be done 
that they may be in a readines if occasion should be, which 
I pray to God hartely may be. So in hast I rest 
Your affectionate uncle 

James Oxinden 

23 Dec . 1641 


[MS. 28,000, f. 373 V.] 

Noble Sir, 

I have procured as many hands of the puritan divines 
for my brother as I could conveniently in soe short and busy 
a time as this is. I can here of very few in our partes, inso- 
much it doth put mee in mind of the little flock to whom it is 
their Father’s good will to give a kingdome unto. I under- 



stand Mr. Hathway has a broile allready uppon my Lord 
Say, and therefore I have procured his hand as much 
advantaging. I know not whenne hee was made minister 
and therefore must refer you to himselfe for it. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 373V.] 

Reverend Sir, 

My brother James is in some hopes of getting a 
benefice, and he is to have my Lord Saye’s good will, and to 
that end is it required that he have a testimonial, under the 
hands of the godliest divines, of his ability in scholarship. I 
desire yours and those you can procure. It must bee sent up 
by this Thursday nexte and therefore, after your subscription 
and such as you can gett, I pray put it up with my letter and 
seale them up, and so bee dd. to Sheapheard, to bee dd as is 
adressed uppon the Letter. 

We whose names are underwritten doe certify whosoever 
it may conceme that the bearer hereof, Mr. James Oxinden, is 
a man of good and honest report amongst us, of a sober 
studious and temperat life and conversation, well approved 
of for his learning, orthodoxe doctrine, good abilities and 
gifts for the ministry. The truth of which premises wee 
doe assure and testify under our hands. 

Dec . 25. 1641. 

John Swan, Rector of Denton. 

Moses Capell, Rector of Betshanger 
James Hathway [Vicar of Chislett] 

Francis Drayton [at some time of St. Mary 
Bredin, Canterbury]. 


1641] THE brink of civil war 
CCXVIII (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 372] 

[Leicester’s Commonwealth, a scurrilous libel on Robert Dudley, 
Earl of Leicester, long attributed to the Jesuit Robert Parsons, 
and called from the green-edged leaves of the original edition 
“ Father Parsons’s Green Coat,” is now understood to be the 
anonymous work of a courtier. It was first printed at Antwerp 
in 1584 and again in London, 1641, being suppressed in October 
of the same year. Evidently Henry Oxinden wished to secure 
this reprint for comparison with a copy of the earlier issue.] 

Honoured Cozin, 

I have r[eceive]d my hat, which is very fit and I like 
very well thereof, as allsoe of my band and ribbing : my cuffes 
are fit, but my band is about halfe an inch to big in the 
stock : it proves that they are worn with narrower liens then 
not long since. I am indebted to be gratefull unto you for 
your care and paines in sending them, as alsoe for the bookes, 
which at these times stand mee good sted : I could wish to 
have more uppon Sat y next. I spoke to my brother James to 
write mee some newes and to send me down the latest 
pamphlets ; pray acquaint him with those you send least hee 
send the same. I desire Leicester Commonwealth to see 
how it difers from ours. 

You say in your letter that you taxed mee with dissembling 
because that you r[eceive]d a letter wherein I disclaymed all 
the sex, etc. : and in a short time after I extolled the sex 
beyond meritt. Truly Cozin, according to my best remem- 
brance the words in my letter were, that if it were not for the 
vertues of yourselfe and some others of my friends and 
kindred I should, etc. 

You charge mee in your letter with breach of promise to 
your father. Truly according to my best remembrance my 
promise to Sir James was in these very words, and it was at 
the upper end of my table in my great parlour : that I would 
not marry without acquainting him with it, nor without his 
consent ; and this promise in truth so run in my head that 



my M s can beare witnes that I told her of itt : and said I 
would ever love her and honour her, but till I had obtained 
his consent I could not marrie her, and thereuppon I asked 
her how long shee would stay for mee. Shee told mee as 
long as I pleased, and it will much please mee to abstaine 
from the fruition of my cheifest desires till I have obtained 
that licence of him which I dare say my owne father if hee 
were alive, would be an earnest petitioner to him to con- 
descend unto. For such an opinion had hee of her even 
from her first entrance into life that he did solemnly promise, 
before Almighty God and a whole congregation, that she 
shuld forsake the world, pomp and glory thereof, the carnall 
desires of the flesh, together with the Devill and all his 
workes ; and whose word ought I sooner to take for truth, or 
to whom doe you thinke would hee sooner commend such 
an one, then to his best beloved sonne. 

And now doe I most humbly beg of him and my Aunt and 
yourselfe that you will bee pleased to grant mee your con- 
sents to enjoy her whom I have a great deale of reason to love, 
to comfort and honour, and only in regard of her forsaking 
all other would intrust herselfe and fortune with mee to tee 
absolutely disposed of according to my good will and pleasure. 
Let this I beseech you for the present satisfy you, till I have 
time to answeare the latter part of your letter, wherein you 
have showed yourselfe a true friend to her to whom I am 
bound in conscience in due time to approve myselfe a lover 
and honourer by respecting those deare pledges of hers and 
mine, and doing that may give satisfaction to any whom I 
shall vouchsafe to lett understand my occasions and deter- 
minations. In the meane while give mee leave a little 
to further examine my M s beauty, person and discretion, for 
approving which you have most infinitly obliged mee unto 
your noble selfe, to whom shee must give mee leave to bee 
A most affectionate servant 


Dec . 29. 1641 


1641] the brink of civil war 

1 Cozin, it is now Christmastide, and I have little leisure to 
write what I would to you, both in regard of her company, as 
allsoe being imployed in getting hands in approbation of my 
brother James : if I had had time I should have desired you 
to have wrot some few lines to my mother, insinuating unto 
her that the party I am to have is not like to prove a dispar- 
able wife to mee. I will tell you that she is of nature high- 
minded, and thinks (though in words she doe not expresse so 
much) that it will bee a great dishonour to her to have a young 
daughter succeede in her place : not remembring the rocke 
from whose body herselfe and I am hewen, she will lay mee 
to bee uppon remarrying haveing found out an occasion for it. 

I cannot persuade her to lett my Mistris bee with her 
during the time of her aboade here, thogh I should thinke in 
reason it could not bee amisse, but is soe determined that is 
almost as easy to remove a mountain as her from her will and 
painefull and moody cogitations. 

Shee is but part of one estate betwene us all, yett (though 
she cannot iustly except ag* my charge in it), she cannot let 
bee, content to have it spent in the most commendable way. 

If my mother had any sutes at London, or were of an 
active disposition etc, there might bee some reason of her 
often going to London, but as the case stands with her, I can 
see none. 

CCXIX (Draft) 


[MS. 28,000, f. 373V.] 

Honoured Cozin, 

I have not had the happines to heare from you this 
weeke but only by my brother James, who certifyed mee of all 
your healths and of the great paines Sir James and the rest of 
his friends did take for the procuring him the benefice, for 
which next under God hee is most obliged to him and my 
Ant and y ourself e. 

1 The MS. is here much erased : possibly another letter begins at this 



I am now to tender the humble respects of my most every 
way to me accomplished Ms to yourselfe, who desired me to 
write to you to send mee word what is the newest and 
cheapest fashion to furnish my bed in my great chamber over 
the hall, and your advice therein ; I did desire her to please 
herselfe in the direction, who sayd she could no way please 
her selfe soe well in a busines as to be directed by one who 
had knowledg and experience in a matter wherein she had 
little or none. She is willing to worke it herselfe and I can 
not see reasons ag 1 it : she was at my house this Christmas 
till today, and she hath so far wrought uppon my mother that 
she used her kindly, so as I hope that time may bring her not 
only to like her but love her likewise. I am sure as God is in 
heaven she doth exceedingly deserve itt. The secret (which 
when I acquainted you with itt was a secrett) is now none : 
but when it will bee by rites and ceremonies perfected is as 
unknowne to me as the latter day ; neither of which is likely 
to bee in hast. My Aunt Pettit 1 dyed uppon Sunday night, 
and left this world, in which we find nothing but griefe and 
troubles, for a better, in which are such joyes as neither I have 
here, nor ever had, nor can enter into my heart to expresse. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 147] 

Deare Hearte, 

I had only Sir Edward Deereing’s speech 2 sent mee 
this weeke, which I desire you to shew Mr. Huffam ; my 
man at his returne from Mr. Wood's shall call for it ; I shall 
thinke the time long till I see you, in the meane while I shall 
most heartily pray to Allmightie God to continue your 

1 Hanna, wife of Henry Pettit, cf. supra , p. 21. 

2 Probably his speech in the final debate on the Great Remonstrance, 
November 22, 1641. 


1641] THE brink of civil war 

health, which shall ever be more deare to mee then mine 

Deare Hearte I am your most 
affectionate, most faithfull and most 
humble servant to command 

Henrie Oxinden 

Jan. 23. 1641 

Pray speake my service to your brother and sisters. 


[MS. 28,000, f. 148V.] 

Honor’d Cozin, 

I could have hartilie wisht your money were nott so 
short, butt that itt were as long as would reach even from 
your house to Westminster, to that great phsaere of Activitie, 
which now whirles about three whole Kingdomes Blisse or 
destruction, and pray God avert the latter, to human capacitie 
almost inevitable ; if division in a private house brings mine, 
hojw more in a kingdome where itt is so great amongst the 
rulers of itt. I need nott bee tedious in relating how things 
have past of late ; the petitions, diumall, and pym’s Speech, 
which I have prayd my father to send you, will save mee that 
labour. I have nott yett seene the speeech, butt by report of 
them that did see and heare him deliver itt, never anything 
was deliverd with that modest confidence and herroicke 
courage by any common of this kingdome ; the languige you 
can iudge off. Yesterday morning went a message to the 
King caried by many Lords and twelve commons, the pre- 
amble whereof was thanks for his letter, the desire is specified 
in the latter part of Harfordsheere petition whereunto I 
referre you ; this bill could nott bee got to passe the major 
part of the Lords, there being six more of them, where upon 
the minor protested against them, amongst whom lie name 



you some of the greatest, Northumberland, Pembrook, 
Warick, Neuport, Say, Cymbolton, Salsbury, etct : 

Upon the Lords’ refusall of the bill, Pym was sent by the 
house to make a speech to them, and itts printed by order. 
The great expectation that is now is the King’s answere, 
which will produce some great effect one way or other ; trade 
being stopped, the poor of cittie are daylie feared to rise, and 
also of other parts of the Kingdome. I finde all heere full 
of feares and almost voyd of hopes. Parents and children, 
brothers, kindred, I and deere frends have the seed of dif- 
ference and division abundantly sawed in them. Somtimes I 
meet with a Cluster of Gentlemen equally divided in opinion 
and resolution, somtimes 3 to 2, somtimes more ods, but 
never unanimus, nay more I have heard foule languig and 
disperarat quarelings even between old and intire frends, 
and how wee can thus stand and nott fall, certainely God 
must needs worke a myracle paralelle to some of his great 
ones in the old time. I am glad you have gott a horse ; 
provide you of Armes ; itt is Mars, nott Venus, that now can 
helpe ; shee is now so much outt of fashion that where shee 
herselfe heere present, in all her best fashines, shee would be 
the gazeing stock of contempt to all but lashe and effseminat 
mindes. Were you butt heere to heare the drummes, see the 
warlike postures and the glittering armour up and downe the 
towne, and behold our poore bleeding libertis att stake, itt 
would rouze your Sperits, if you have any left, socour that 
deepe drousie lethergie you are now orewhelm’d in ; I could 
say much more, butt I feare I have gon alreadie too farre. 
Pray Pardon mee, yett I can nott keepe my selfe from telling 
you this one thing of my selfe, that were I not maried I would 
not the fairest creature in this Kingdome att this time, with 
ten thousand pounds. I am now in hast going about my 
busines, excuse my abruptnes and except pray of the hartie 
affections of 

Your most faithfull frend and servant 
Jan . the 27. Henry Oxinden 



1641] the brink of civil war 

I could wish you heere, were it nott to your prejudice. 
There is great talke heere of the Danes comming with a great 
Army. The cittie petition is nott yett come out, neither is 
Pym’s true on, a conterfet on my father will send you being 

My servis to all my frends as you see them. More news 
of great consequence is now reported, butt I know nott how 
writt itt, being nott assurd of the truth. 


[MS. 28,000, f. 153] 

Honored Cozin, 

Least you might thinke that I intend from time to 
time to cut you off and soe in conclusion to frustrate your 
expectation, I thought good at this time to fulfill my promise 
to you, in giveing you an answeare to that part of your letter 
wherein you showed your selfe a true, a faithfull and a con- 
stant lover of my, by mee, most honored, beloved deceased 
wife. And this appeares by your taking care for those deare 
pledges of love she left behind her, and hereby manifested 
yourselfe to bee that One amongst a 1000 which the wise man 
speakes of ; it being the nature of most women (I may say of 
men too) to cut of the entaile of their love, though never so 
strongly made, at such time as the partie to whom it was 
made can either noe longer make requitall or take acknow- 
ledgement thereof. But it is far otherwise with you, and 
therefore before I write any more I must needes give you 
hearty and unfained thankes for th[at your] constant and 
sincere love ; and love so great that itt transported you even 
to a mistake of some wordes uttered by mee to such as you 
would have had them to have beene. 

For whereas I, making an expression to you of my love 
to my wife, did assevere that, though I would not settle any 
estate uppon my children, yett I would not doe them any 
wrong ; and if I did, I did desire you to account mee a knave 
s 273 


and the unworthiest man breathing ; hereby you miscon- 
ceived a settlement of estate, which I attest heaven I never 
did promise, nor intend to doe, otherwise then I have all- 
ready done, unlesse hereafter, uppon my sonnes marriage, 
there may bee a necessitie thereof, or that Sir Thomas 
Peyton may by his paying mee such monies as I know in 
conscience to bee due to mee, or some other most urgent 
cause may induce mee thereunto. For such an Act of mine, 
considering my necessited occasions, will prove a matter of 
such high and dangerous consequence as may amount to 
high treason against my judgement ; and that for diverse 
respects of which I will only relate these : 

Whereas itt is not unknowne, considering the smallnesse of 
my estate, that I am sufficiently indebted, I shall, by such an 
Act of Settlement, debar myselfe of the service which that 
part is settled might doe mee in taking up of mony ; and the 
custome is to make security out of twice or [thrice] soe much 
land as the monie that is borrowed uppon itt doth amount [to] . 
I must truly confesse unto you I doe (and ever did, though I 
thanke God my friends are as reall to me as anie man’s are) 
take my estate for my most assured friend in my necessitie, 
and if I shall debar myselfe of the benefitt of itt, such 
stormes may arise as may drive ;mee uppon fearefull rocks or 
such dangerous sands as there may bee little hope in getting 
out of them. 

I have observed, in my little experience in the world, that 
soe long as a man is a noune substantive standing alone by 
himselfe, hee may passe with confidence in the world ; and 
if hee have anie braines in his head, hee need not want 
friends : but if hee prove a noune adjective, and require 
another to bee joined with him, men will avoid him as they 
doe a falling house, or some dangerous and venemous beast. 

Besides, I know not but I may hereafter have occasion to 
use a 1000 or 2000 1 to imploy uppon an office or the like, and 
I have little hopes that Sir Thomas Peyton will pleasure mee 
in that way I have pleasured him ; and I have little reason to 
expect a curtesie of that nature of anie other body, in regard 


1641] the brink of civil war 

I have not obliged anie so much, beside himselfe, in this 

Neither am I as yett resolved with myselfe with what part 
or quantitie of my estate I will part withall, or whether I will 
part with anie of itt or noe ; though Sir Thomas Peyton’s 
bragging that if my sonn be under age att my decease he will 
make him his warde might bee inducement sufficient for mee, 
and colour too, to frustrate his expectation. 

And if these Reasons may not seeme to you to have weight 
enough in them, I desire you seriously to consider with your- 
selfe whether an Act of Settlement of estate uppon my sonne 
may not cause him to bee the more disobedient, insomuch as 
I may in vaine perswade him to take a profession uppon him, 
without doing which there may bee little hopes hee will 
keepe, much lesse advance, what fortune I shall give him. 

Nay, itt may soe fall out that by this meanes I may see the 
reversion of my estate sold before my face ; for if my sonne 
take any dislike ag* me, though it bee a causelesse one, and if 
I will not comply with him according to his desires, though 
perhaps vaine and foolish, then like enough I may heare a 
lecture of this nature from him. [An]d that you may the 
better give credence unto this, I will make knowne to you how 
I can, with greife enough of minde now unto [me, c]all to re- 
membrance how that I my selfe (though I am perswaded you 
beleive I was none of the most refractorie or most spirited 
youths), when my father did fall out with mee and finde fault 
with mee, peradventure hee had cause enough soe to doe, 
yett had I had but one halfe of his estate setled uppon mee, I 
should without doubt have done the like ; and yett uppon 
examination I doe not finde I was any of the worst natures in 
the world. 

I have knowne some in my time who, out of the presump- 
tion that their Fathers could not give some part of the estate 
from them, have cast aside all respects of those their earthly 
parents, and all commands of their heavenly, and following 
no other guide but their owne willfull and foolish braines, 
have, in a full careere, runne themselves into the displeasure 



of both, and in conclusion unto their owne finall ruine and 

I write not this with the least thought to leave my sonne 
one farthing lesse, nay not soe little as Sir Thomas Peyton 
desired mee to settle uppon him in his last letter hee wrott to 
mee about that businesse ; for I call the searcher of all hearts 
to witnesse, to whom and noe other I am bound to give an 
account of my intentions (yett I doe to you) that I have noe 
other meaning but what is sincere and just and such as I per- 
swade myselfe may satisfie any man who is a well wisher to 
mee and my sonne, att leastwise who hath soe good an opinion 
of my honestie and discretion as I hold such a One ought to 
have who is acquainted with mee ; and who ever shall mis- 
doubt either the one or the other of them in mee, I know not 
uppon what ground I may beeleive him to bee my friend. 

But now mee thinkes I heare you alleige that men love 
their second wifes best, and therefore there may bee danger 
I may bee seduced from my intentions I now have ; and this * 
allegation of yours I must confesse may seeme to others of 
some force, but pardon mee deare Cozin, if itt seeme not soe 
to mee, who have alreadie sealed to a Tripartite Indenture 
betweene God, myselfe and my sonne ; wherein I have in- 
dented that, my sonne performing his conditions, (which are 
easie enough), I shall not faile in performing mine, (which 
are just enough), and (God inabling mee) if I doe, I shall 
forfeite and desire to forfeite my share in heaven and my 
repute amongst all men in the earth. 

And now I hope you will not doubt but that I have re- 
membred who my wife was, what her portion was and what 
is due to her from mee by the Lawes of God and man ; and 
I hope by this Act of mine I [shall] not bee thought to bee a 
man that will doe but what I list, nor [MS. torn] aniebodies 
censure uppon mee nor loose anie of my true friends [MS. 

I desire you to acquaint Sir James Oxinden with what I 
have wrot, as allsoe of the Partie’s estate, which hee was 
desirous to bee informed of, (which to anie bodie else I 



should not make known and which I desire may bee kept 
secret), whereof I will give you a plaine and true account. It 
is as itt is now lett, (7 1 the yeare being abated of what itt 
went for by the space of five yeares before), the woodland 
being rated at 17 1 the yeare besids timber, 109 1 12s by the 
yeare ; and this is fee simple and soccage estate ; the wood 
and timber uppon the ground was valued to mee by Cooper, 
this last yeare, at 400 1 , and hee said he had not overvalued itt. 
Out of this there is to be paid 1400 1 . One hundred pounds 
whereof is to bee paid at our Lady next to Mr. Huffam, and 
100 1 more two yeare after that. To Denwood 100 1 then and 
300 more three yeare after that. To one James Fag, about 
8 yeares hince, 200 1 : to Ellen Culling 600 1 att her age of 
21 yeare or day of marriage ; there was 100 1 more given to 
Mr. Huffam, and another 100 1 to Denwood, but I have paid 
that, as allsoe all manner of debts that were owing by the 
Testator. Now valuing a 100 and 9 1 12s by the yeare at 
2192 1 , and the wood and timber at 400 1 itt will amount to 
2502 1 ; out of this is to be substracted 1400 1 . 

Soe there remaines to her 1 192 1 ; but the house and seate 1 
in this valuation is reckoned att nothing, which I esteeme at a 
considerable rate ; for, as concerning the seate, it is incom- 
pareably more pleasant than mine, and the house will not 
bee builded for 4 or 500 ; and whereas I abated 7 1 per annum 
last yeare, I see noe reason, if the times were not extreamely 
bad, but that I might raise itt to what itt was before ; bee- 
sides there is convenient day given for the payment of most 
of the legacies, and by the strictnes of the will none can be 
expected faster then the revenewes will pay. But nought of 
these moved any heart of mine to resolve to entre into that 
(by mee feared and abhorred) condition of life, which I now 
can by no meanes avoyd ; itt was only her selfe, and unex- 
pected answeare to me when I advised her to beware how 
and to whom she married, and told her that her fortune and 
selfe deserved a good match, five to one better then myselfe ; 
to which (casting her eies uppon mee and as soone casting 

1 site 



them downe againe), shee replyed, I know noe man I can 
thinke a better match or can [MS. torn] so well as your selfe ; 
this amazed mee, insomuch that where [MS. torn] before I 
loved her as my child and friend, I now was forced consider 
of loveing her as a wife, which from that time forward I 
could by no meanes avoide. And yett I did infinitly labour 
to recall myselfe to my single condition of life, which has 
pleasingly fomented such an ambition in mee, as caused my 
thoughts to mount to such a hight, that I was determined 
either to bee great or not to bee att all ; and now I can bee 
contented to bee, and to be poore, if one may bee properly 
said to bee soe who enjoyes his chiefest desires and delight. 

There is one objection, which I doubt not but in the 
course of my life I shall heare often, and that is my M s was a 
Yeoman’s daughter ; True itt is her father was a Yeoman, but 
such a Yeoman as lived in his house, in his company, and in 
his sportes and pleasures like a gentleman, and followed the 
same with gentlemen ; and this I am able to iustifie, and 
that hee married the daughter and heire of one Mr. Allen, 
Mr. Den can as easily make it appeare to others as he hath 
done to mee ; and that hee bred his daughter, according to her 
selfe, his mayntaining her 4 yeares at schoole, amongst other 
gentlemen’s daughters, att the same costs and charges they 
were at, will sufficiently demonstrate. 

And now, whosoever shall be eagle eyd, and too narrowly 
pry in to this family, and give mee occasion to take notice 
thereof, I doubt not but I shall find enough in his to furnish 
mee with an answeare ; and I would verie faine have the same 
man, as apparantly, prove the continuance of his estate for 
upwards of 300 and 60 yeares in his bloud, as I can easily 
prove this to have continued in his ; and did, for ought I 
know, or anie man else, manie hundred yeares beefore, for I 
have noe writings, neither doe I beeleive there are any 
extant, which show itt to have belonged to anie other man ; 
An estate heretofore sufficiently great, till by the all dividing 
custome of Gavelkind marveilously diminished ; however if 
the definition which heralds have given to Gentilitie be true, 


1641] the brink of civil war 

(that is of antient rase), I see no reason why the possessors of 
so ancient an estate may not as well have the benefit of the 
foresaid definition as others. And suppose I had nothing of 
all this to allege in her beehalfe, yet I know not why her 
vertue conjoined with beautie, Person, discretion and for- 
tune, which you have said, and that truly too, cannot be 
excepted ag t , may not sufficiently vindicate myselfe for being 
deepely in love with her, not eminent in birth, espeacially 
when as (according as you your selfe have wiselie said) the 
wisest men have ever held vertue the best and truest nobilitie, 
and as sure as death it is soe, and for my owne part my 
former highlie esteeming of politicall nobilitie I now reckon 
amongst the follies of my youth. Yet am not I ignorant that 
there bee divers people in the world, and itt is convenient 
there should bee such, of soe stupid and grosse capacities, that 
conceive there is something extraordinarielie inherent in this 
politicall nobilitie ; who themselves (if itt should please the 
king to innoble) would serve as soe manie severall arguments 
to confute their owne selves and their owne silly conceits 

The knowledge and consideration whereof hath caused mee 
not to value anie man by having anie inward respect or con- 
ceite of him beefore another, beecause hee excells in degrees 
of honour, but according to the concomitant ornaments, as 
vertue, riches, wisdom, power etc. etc. 

If I see a man of what low degree or quality soever that is 
vertuous, rich, wise or powerful, him will I preferre beefore 
the greatest Lord in the kingdome that comes short of him in 
these ; but this is so plaine a case as I will not trouble you by 
demonstrating itt any farther, in regard I know that such 
a witt as yours, which hath tasted so much of the kernell, 
cannot chuse but easily apprehend it. I speake not this as 
being a Tenent more availeable for mee to hold then for 
others, but beecause I know the greater part of the world doe 
ignorantly beeleive otherwise. 

There is one thing which I had allmost forgott to speake of, 
and indeede which most troubles mee, and which did make 



mee refraine all that I was able from being forward in this 
match, and it was the consideration of marrying with my 
friend’s daughter haveing, after competent provision for my 
son and 2 daughters, so small an estate remaining for her ; 
and to speak the truth, which I love to doe from my heart, 
though I speake it now with full griefe thereof, this doth not 
a little perplexe mee, and unlesse her owne desire thereunto, 
and the Ladies carrying her to London, indeavoring to dis- 
pose of her worse there, or Cupid’s all commanding power, 
may not pleade for mee, (as I persuade myselfe they may), I 
know not how I shall answeare my soe doing either to God 
or the world. 

And now having endeavoured to the utmost of my power 
to give your selfe, my uncle and aunt satisfaction about the 
disposing of my estate, and having, according to her desire, 
made a true and cleare particular of M s estate, (which were it 
not halfe so much as it is I should not have so little honestie 
as to leave her off, nor a love, once promised, vowd and 
swome, so inconstant as to alter) I doe once more, this third 
time, no lesse humbly and heartily then before, beg and 
intreate of your selfe, Sir James and my Ladie that you will 
bee pleased, without anie further delayes, to grant mee your 
consents to enjoy her whom God hath created for mee and 
whose divine Majestie I shall infinitely offend if I have not. 

And therefore if after all this profession of my intentions 
and determinations, which I call Heaven and earth to wit- 
nesse to bee heartie and sincere, and if herein I have any 
equivocation or mentall reservations, I desire that these lines 
of mine may rise up in judgement against mee and condemne 
mee ; I say if after all this I may not have your consents I have 
soe earnestly, soe humbly and soe often desired, and that 
without any farther mention of settlement or the like, I shall 
then thinke I may have cause to feare that this insisting uppon 
that which most that know mee know I have ever beene in 
my judgement positively averse unto, is but a rub cast in the 
way, to turne away the bias of my affection from my desired 
M s , or to unsettle my determinations and resolutions ; and 


Honored Coxni - 

f w * r nc ^fitated 4-0 wrjte a U'ifez tt> my. Cozm J a f/ y fa 

*fked me ft. nued tjme 7 .afj-haua, but- actfe V*k Idf- * H<mke. 
;oa foe pur never y etL y ir , t mu , which thoutf re* td 

rt * *“ rfi- ic n ‘jw'PSdk fkt- 

fy a #j/c at ' uufel mu. tv tale iel{rf+ e(ten . 

-fhijeiat dtuifltn among the chu'ft riuttn p the Kmodome fhope the 
dtrd Alhnigky vjtt a* /*/ rcconc/le for-) haue ft under hhotunt 
h And, that he Jrmgetb man.,fp entwiri a^arancc; to defizisc 
t}on,f? then he fayth , return c agape yee /one! of men. 

Anil ho ft dM- loft kee wjtl tame ajf to the heft, for when the 
mill 'front pry hath fpi* jtr ucneme jtt -a, It hee fo jnfufc. 

rahy noj fen;e to the Contort yveaith , that- tit-’ wjtl thevowly pe- 
gc tit- fdfe of fit-. (d vet all Know that ‘when the poi fen js cfaci- 
%i that opptefted the aitall farttf ,thcUdU wfl he feunl &;n heddj . 

4- eafTot chafe hat fmjle vfth my fdfi te thjble how the ‘Taftib & 

From Bm Mus Add MS 28,000 f 157 

1641] the brink of civil war 

then may I have just cause to doubt and wonder too, how any 
man can love mee or aime at my good by debarring mee of my 
greatest delight and happinesse. 

And soe with my heartie prayers to Allmightie God for all 
your healths and felicities (desiring pardon for troubling you 
with soe manie rude and imperfect lines) I bid you Farewell, 
Farewell, Farewell. 

Cozin, I am a most affectionate servant to 
your selfe, Sir James and his Ladie and my 
Cozin Henrie Oxinden 

Henry Oxinden 

Feb . 1. 1641 

CCXXIII {Draft) 


[MS. 28,000, f. 157] 

Honored Cozin, 

I was necessitated to write a letter to my Cozin Dallis- 
son, which asked me soe much time as I have but verie little 
left to thanke you for your newes you sent mee, which, though 
not good, yett itt was acceptable to mee coming from you, 
being expressed in soe pleasing a stile as caused mee to take 
delight even in woe. 

The great division among the cheife rulers in the King- 
dome I hope the Lord Allmighty will att last reconcile, for I 
have it under his owne hand that he bringeth man in out- 
ward apparance to destruction and then he sayth retume 
againe yee sonnes of men. And I hope att last hee will turne 
all to the best, for when the malignant party hath spitt out 
its venome, itt will bee so insufferably noisome to the Com- 
monwealth that itt will thorowly purge itselfe of itt : and 
we all know that when the poison is expelled that oppressed 
the vitall partes, the bodie will be sound and in health. I 
cannot chuse but smile with my selfe to thinke how the 
Papists and Prelates resemble the fish, which being once 



strucken, never leaveth striving till itt hath strived herself to 
death. I will not make comparison and say they resemble the 
Prince of this world (their Lord and Master) who toward the 
ending of his reigne is said to bee most fierce and raging, yett 
their crueltie and outrage of late might have induced a lesse 
zealous spiritt then mine thereunto. Your saying that a 
Kingdome devided against itt selfe cannot stand puts mee in 
mind to certifie you that I had a doe given me last weeke, 
which as my man was bringing home in a paire of rips, by the 
way fell out with her selfe, and in the difference broake her 
legs, insomuch as shee could not stand ; whereuppon I 
killed her ; shee was fat ; I could wish you were here to tast 
a peice of her. I am glad to hear you stand immoveable for 
the Commonwealth, for in so doing you stand for the King, 
and consequently both for King and commonwealth ; and he 
that is not for these, I hold him unworthy to breath that part 
of the common aire hee enjoyeth. And for that unhappie 
generation which maketh a distinction betweene the King 
and the commonwealth, I would faine learne of itt how one 
can bee a king without a commonwealth ; I know divers 
commonwealths which have no king, and I have learned a 
maxime, before ever I heard it from the Scotts, Salus populi 
suprema lex. 

It shall ever bee as far from my beleife as the East is from 
the West, that so many millions of men as are in the Christian 
world were created to bee slaves to about halfe a score mortall 
Gods. I neede not tell you of an admonition come from 
heaven, nor tell you where to find itt, itt being written in the 
sacred Register of God’s Testament, — and noe doubt but ere 
long you will find itt was safe following of itt, — itt is this, 
Put not your trust in Princes for there is no healpe in them. 

Your counsell to rouse my selfe from the drousie lethargie 
you conceive I am in by being in Love, which you hold a 
signe of an effeminate minde, I take not amisse ; yett give 
mee leave to tell you, that hee who doth not more then 
ordinarily love Venus, will hardly proove a good soldier under 
Mars. Did not hee himself e love her ? Nay, did not hee 


1641] the brink of civil war 

love her so well that beefore the face of heaven and all the 
Gods hee embraced her ? And shall itt be a shame to imitate 
your generall ? Your brave generall ? Your martiall generall ? 
Ah ! let not such a conceit enter into your head, especially 
seing if I had time I could tell you of divers prankes of this 
nature the bravest of the Gods have playd ; ile say no more 
then this, Ito per exemplum genus 0 mortale deorum. I 
went last weeke to see your sonne, who was then in verie 
good health ; if neede were hee would serve for an argument 
to prove that you love your Ladie verie well, for otherwise 
you would not have begot him so like her. And that makes 
mee doubt of the sinceretie of your wordes, wherein you say 
if you were now unmarried you would not marry for £10,000, 
for I beleive you would have her you now have with the 
fourth part of the monie ; yett I beleive great matches are 
easilie to be had now in London, for certainly divers great 
heires are afraid the world is allmost att an end, or that ere 
long they shall bee killed, and would gladly have some sport 
beefore they die ; an can you blame them, sith they beleive 
when they are gon all the world is gon with them. In hast I 
abruptly end and am 

Your unalterable and most affectionate Friend 

[No Signature] 

Feb . 1. 1641 



[MS. 28,000, f. 48] 

[Sir Edward Dering, of Surrenden Dering, Pluckley, who appears 
in the following Letter, was born in the Tower of London, 
January 28th, 1598, was made Lieutenant of Dover Castle in 
1623 and created a Baronet three years later. He sat in the Long 
Parliament as member for Kent. The opinion of his neighbours 
and contemporaries entirely bears out Hasted’s description : it is 
said that although “ a man of parts and learning ”, his vanity 
induced him to present to the House of Commons the Root and 
Branch Bill abolishing Episcopacy, chiefly in order that he might 



quote from the gallery of the House two apposite lines of Ovid : 

“ Cuncta prius tentanda sed immedicabile vulnus 
Ense reddendum est ne pars sincera trahetur.” 

His two speeches which caused so much excitement in Kent 
were delivered on Nov. 9th and Nov. 23rd, 1640, and printed, 
together with a third undated, in the following year. The first 
describes his interview with Archbishop Laud at Lambeth, adding 
that “ I hope by the help of this House, before the yeare of threats 
be run out, his Grace will either have more grace or no grace at 
all ”. The second dealt with the two enemies of religion, the 
Papists and the “ Prelaticall Faction ”, and again attacked Laud 
as “ alterius orbis Papa ” ; “ A Pope at Rome will doe lesse hurt 
then a Patriarch at Lambeth 

No sooner was the bill introduced than Sir Edward, repenting 
of his witticisms, shifted his ground ; his inconsistency so offended 
the Parliamentary party that they declared him a delinquent to the 
Commonwealth. He was imprisoned in the Tower but fled to 
join the King ; his whole estate was sequestered, his house 
plundered, his timber felled. He died in a farmhouse of his own 
on June 22nd, 1644, and was buried in the family chancel in 
Pluckley Church. His third wife, Unton, daughter of Sir Ralph 
Gibbes was sister to Lady Percivall of Denton Court, and subse- 
quently became guardian to the Percivalls’ orphan children. 

Sir Edward’s letter to his wife dated May 2nd, 1641, may be 
compared with the Oxindens’ of the same period. “ I went first 
to the parliament house ”, he writes, “ there was no body. The 
King had in the morning told them he could not in conscience 
concurre to sentence the point of treason ; the sullen boys therefore 
break up schoole at 1 1 of the clocke and went to play, not suffering 
so much as the committee for religion to sitt. We shall meet 
sullen tomorrow. God send good issues but my despayres begin 
to go above my fayth in that, yett we shall be cured but with a 
confusion . If the French play not the devills with us the confusion 
will be short and safe.” Edward (“ Ned ”) Monings succeeded 
his father, Sir William Monings, Bt., in the family estates at 
Waldershare in 1643 ; he was Sheriff of Kent 21 Ch. I and d. 



The Reason why I used those words concerning my 
marrying was nott because itt had been possible for mee to 
1 Hasted, iv. p. 189. 


1641] THE brink of civil war 

marrie any other, or mett with any so fitt, so vertuous, butt 
because the inevitable incomparable greife and horror that 
will bee in her and my selfe all the time of our Seperation, 
which these distracted and distempered times must necessar- 
ilie cause, if nott by the Almithie miraculously prevented. I 
have been and am still consulting and contriving the best way 
of that Seperation in case of extremitie, which I have almost 
pich’t upon and determined by sending my wife and children 
into Holland, a thing not a little practised alreadie by some 
and resolv’d by others. As for the State affaires, they have 
little varied for the better since I last wrott to you ; you shall 
receive a booke that will better satisfie you then I of the 
parlment’s desires and the King’s answeres. The matter 
they most insist upon now is to have the forts and militia in 
such commanders’ hands as they may safely confide in, which 
the king in exquisite languige hath denied, and his answere 
is voted by the commons a deniall ; whereupon they went 
againe to the Lords, and petitioned them to joyne with them 
concerning this ; the maior of them did, which the first time 
refus’d. So that they are gon once more, both Lords and 
commons, about to the King, with the same desires as before, 
which if denied againe great distractions are expected sud- 
denly to follow. The part say that they cannott safely goe 
forward with the affaires of Kingdome unlesse this bee 
granted. The poore handy crafts men are alreadie driven to 
miserable want in all countries and especially in this cittie ; 
itt is say[d] that they are risen in Essex, and it is feared that 
they will doe soe in all parts else. In London they have 
much adoe to hold out any longer, as apeares by their petition; 
they begin to inquire after the malignant Lords, the obstruc- 
tions of their welfare, and doubtlesse if there bee nott a 
speedie change in them and course taken with the poore, they 
will both destroy them and their houses. There was peti- 
tioning woemen of a great number last tuesday at the pari, 
and so farr as I could learn their great and old grieveance was 
want of trading, none of them complaining of pressures and 
burdens, being too seldome laden. The Porters came too 



late for them, being the day after, they were about five 
hundred, their whole companie being five thous: Itt is 
observ’d that noe time nor historie can shew that such great 
numbers of oppressed Subiects of al sorts ever peti[ti]oned 
with that humilitie and desolved so quiettly. Ireland is 
feared will bee lost ; the Spaniards by report are expected 
there and the french and Danes heere. Itt is thought that 
things are alreadie gon so farr that, although the parliament 
had all their desires granted, they could not possibly settle 
trade soone enough to prevent outrages, the poor being driven 
to that necessitie alreadie. Sir Edward Deering hath forth 
a booke of al his Speeches, with a vindication, as hee thinks, 
of the imputations layd on him for his being of both sides ; 
which, if itt bee nott alreadie called in, ile send you. I heare 
hee is deeply questioned for itt, and some say he will bee 
turn’d out of the house, other say a farre greater punishment. 
I heare his book is voted to bee bum’d, but I can tell no 
certentie because I can nott goe to the hall this morning for 
writting to you, the afternoone I shall bee busie. Say no- 
thing of this unlesse you heare itt confirmed. Heere are 
many more reports, which I leave to Canterbury to furnish 
you with. I have nott yett read Dali: letter you wrott her, 
and therefore can say nothing of itt, but in mine I yett amongst 
many others observe this one passage, that hee that doth nott 
extraordinarily love Venus will never prove a good soldier 
under mars. For answere to which, I referre you to Marc 
Anthonie’s example who[se] exterordinarie love for Venus 
made him of the best soldier in the world the worse and most 
ignominious that ever was. 

So in hast I conclude, having at this instant received a 

letter from my wife, and the post and my occasions urging for 

a dispatch , 7 r . , 

r Your friend 

H. O. 

Since I sealed my letter, I have certaine information that 
Sir Edward Deering is to bee sent to the Tower, his booke 
to bee burn’d, and hee made uncapaple ever to bee of this 


1641] the brink of civil war 

parliament. The booke I could have bought for 14 pence 
last night, butt now a crowne cannot buy itt, wherefore I 
have forborne to send itt, itt nott being in my esteeme worth 
anything, being so branded ; you may easilie come to the 
sight of itt by some about Canterbery. The messengers are 
return from the King butt his answere is nott yett reported. 
My Lord Duke is cleared by the Lords of these 3 articles ; 
there being a hott contest amongst the Lords some cald for 
an ajournment to avoyde mischeife, and he stood up and sayd, 
lett itt bee for six moneths if you will ; the 2[nd] for per- 
swading Perd [Peard] to bee remisse in the proseqution of 
Persies and Jerman busines ; the 3d was for sending letters 
to Dover of promises of reward to some to chuse such bour- 
gesses, and of threats to others that refused. Butt for these 
hee is nott yett cleared in the house of Commons. My 
brother Peirce, his wife and children, are come upp to live in 
London neere us, till the times are resolved which way to goe, 
how ever they fall out. London is accounted the safest place, 
being strongly guarded ; itt is sayd that they are to make 
2 hundred thousand strong and leave the cittie well guarded. 
The parliament is removed this day to Mercers’ hall, the 
reason is unknowne. The Sheriff is gone downe to work a 
new election ; of all the men I know I wish my cozen Ned 
Monings would stand and hee should have my assistance even 
to my uttmost power, for I take him to be very right in his 



[MS. 28,000, f. 149] 

Deare Hearte, 

I have not beene out of my house since I was with 
you last, neither dare I as yett venture soe far as Kingstone, 
much lesse as London, where my companie is much desired 
by divers gentlemen of this shire, who goe thetherward to- 
morrow and uppon Thusday (sic) intend to prefer their 



Petition. Pray appoint where my man shall fetch your 
maide, speake my respects to your brothers and sisters, and 
never doubt but that I am and ever shall esteeme itt my 
greatest honour and happinesse to approve myselfe, 

Your most unalterable, most affectionate, 
most faithfull and most humble servant 
to command 

Barham , Feb . 6. 1641 

Henrie Oxinden 

To his ever honored and most respected friend 
M s Katherine Culling 

CCXXYI (Draft) 

[MS. 28,000, f. 381] 

[Henry Palmer’s knighthood, on which, in the following Letter, 
Henry Oxinden pours scorn, was conferred during this very 
journey of the King to Dover, Feb. 4th, 1641-2. 

Sir Thomas Godfrey had purchased the estate of Heppington, 
near Canterbury, from the Hales’s in 1640 ; his brother, Sir Peter 
Godfrey, married Sarah, daughter of Sir Peter Heyman, of 
Sellindge, member for Dover ; cf. Letter CXCIX for his affray 
with Captain Dixwell. 

Sir George Theobald was probably one of the Theobald 
family of Stonepitt, Seale, to which Margaret, Lady Oxinden’s 
mother also belonged, while more remotely old Sir Henry Oxinden’s 
first wife (see portrait, p. 298) had been Mary Theobald. 

Sir George was connected, in company with a Dutchman John 
Van Haesdonck, with certain enterprises for the draining and 
development of marshlands (cf. Cal. D.S.P . , Ch. I, 1639-40, 
p. 479) ; he may also have held some office about the court (cf. 
Letter CCXXX).] 

Honored Cozin, 

I have not yett leasure to acquaint you how much I 
wonder and that with amazement to, that your selfe, Sir 
James and my Lady should once soe much as imagine that 
I would offer to marrie before I had his consent soe to doe, and 



the reason of my wonderment is, thereafter whatever scandals 
I have suffered yet I can attest my very eies to justify my 
sincerity in my words and promises ; and uppon what 
ground it should now come to passe that my friends, my best, 
my most honoured friends, should surpasse my enemies, my 
worst, my most malevolent enemies, in a sinister opinion of 
mee ; verilie I must confesse my owne ignorance herein, as 
well as with [illegible] complaine of the causelesse surmises of 
them before whom in this matter I can stand upright, before 
whom I desire to heare my owne censure and the whole 
worlds. Verilie amongst thousands of my imaginations I 
can fix uppon nothing should cause this mistrust, unlesse, it 
being parliament time, you might thinke that I must imitate 
the house of Commons, which having done all it could by 
praying and protesting with the Lords’ house, was resolved 
of its owne accord to doe what was fitting for its owne wel- 
fare, thogh Lords had denyed their consent ; and soe perhaps 
you might thinke I would have iested it, if by Act of Parlia- 
ment : but, cosin, I desire [you] to know that I am not ignorant 
that there is a wide difference betweene the legallity of any Act 
of a whole kingdome and of a particular person, and what 
is Justifiable for the one is not lawfull for the other. 

As concerning newes wherein you desire to be informed, 
I shall doe my best endeavours, but not being acquainted with 
the Contraries it is the more difficult for mee ; my comfort 
is you are of soe wise and good a disposition as that you will 
except of the will for the deed and therefore I will adventure 
uppon this task you have sent me ; and first I will certify you 
that what I last told you I beleft concerning Harry Palmer 
you may now beleve as well as I ; and assuredly by taking the 
honour of knighthood uppon him hee hath made his father 
and mother old, I will not say with greife, for I may rather 
say for joy, and that is wonderfull to oders as his owne desire 
of being knyghted is to mee. Assuredly, if his desyre of 
knyghthood hath done himselfe honour it hath done his 
estate none, for now ’tis said that, lying aside his father’s 
office, both ther land is not above 300 1 per annum, and ’tis 
t 289 


said there is two or 3 daughters to portion and sufficient deles 
uppon the estate besides ; and this is some comfort to mee, 
to behold my selfe in noe worse condition then a knight’s, and 
such knights as have noe meane opinion of themselves ; it 
seemes strange to mee that men should desire saile soe 
eagerly to overthrow their ship, being not sufficiently ballat’d: 
mee thinks they resemble Icarus, would rather fly with wings 
of waxe then not at all, and then rather to fall from a hight 
then to continue in saftie in a degree with other men. These 
kind of men seme to bee of the Phrygians’ race who then 
begin to be wise when it is to late. Or are they of the off- 
spring of Phaeton, who, whatsoever came of it, would needs 
drive his horses nere the sun, though he paid no lesse for his 
ambition 1 then a repentance : or are they of the race of men 
of whom King David sayd, I saw them flourish like a greene 
bay tree, but I passed by and the case was altered. Whatere 
they are, or of what race they are, I passe by them ; and come 
to tell you that when the Prince Palatine was a hunting with 
Sir Thomas Godfrey, Sir Thomas Godfrey said, there went 
the hare away ; one of the Lords, seeing him have little hare 
uppon his head, said to him, your hare and mine went away 
both one way : noe, said Sir Thomas, yours went away the 
course way, and so did not mine ; and this answeare did 
much take the Prince Elector, as my cozin Richard Hardres 
told mee. If Sir Thomas had known him to be a Lord, 
whether if would have beene so witty in his answeare I know 
not, and leave it to others to judge, who have bene longer 
acquainted with him then I. 

Uppon Tuesday last the King went up to the top of Bel 
Harry steeple ; upon Wednesday, about 3 of the clock in the 
aftemoone, hee came over Barham Downs, not any gentle- 
men waiting uppon him over it, except the Lords and those 
came with him from London. Uppon Thursday in the fore- 
noone hee went up to his Bulwarke. 

That day in the afternoone he carried up the Queene thether 
with him, the prince Elector etc ; the Ladie Percivall knelt 
to kiss his Ma ties hand, hee healped her up and saluted her, 


1641] the brink of civil war 

and soe did the Queene etc. That night about 6 of the 
clock Prince Rubt 1 came to the Court. 

It is nowe late and I desire you to except my imperfect 
relation of newes, sith you know I am deprived of the meanes 
to know the most remarkable passages at Court which Sir 
George Theobald and others have, and therefore I shall leave 
it to him who is of better ability, wit and judgment to relate. 
And so wishing yourselfe, Sir James and his Lady and my 
cozins all health and happines, I desire you to take this I 
have done in good part, which you may the better doe if 
you knew how writing is tedious to mee, and were it not to 
your selfe I would not take the tithe of the paines I doe in 
scribling soe many lines ; the 4th part of which are more then 
all I ever have as yet written to my Mistris in my life, and yet 
I daresay you beleive I love her very well. Shee and I both 
present our harty and humble respects to yourselfe, Sir 
James and my Lady, and pray that you may live happily in 
this world and reigne evermore blessed in the heavenly 
Jerusalem, prepared before the beginning of the world for 
such as you are 

Dear Cozin I am 


Md that I sent my Cozin Dalison a letter Feb: 15 of which 
I have noe coppie and another Feb: 22 of which I have noe 



[MS. 28,000, f. 15 1] 

Noble Cozin, 

AfFter sum debatts and arguments with my father and 
mother consarning your past ore intended maridge, I have 
receveid thear commands to assure you that you have thear 
full consentes ; for mine, my Letters have spooke for me long 
agoe. My father wished mee to tell you, hee had noe end in 

1 Rupert. 



what hee did but the good of you and yours ; and that exper- 
ience teaches him to wish all those that hee ether can advise 
or wishes well to, to have a care beetimes to lay a foundation 
to provid for thear children ; knowing how hard a mater it is 
to provid for them in the latter end. Your daughters you 
have not named, as my father nots, in your last ; yett hee and 
the rest of your freinds hope you thinke them considerable, 
and commend you, your fair mistris (or wife) and children to 
god his holy protection, wishing all blessings and hapines 
may atend you, and yours ; my ocasions at this time will not 
give mee leave to enlarge my selfe. Dear Cosin assuer your 
selfe that I will bee while I live 

Your most affectionat cosin and sarvant 

Feb the jth 1641 

Eli: D allison 

’Tis sayd the queen gos for holan speedyly. Jermin and 
Watt Mounticue are thear ; digby hath made way ther for 
the queen ; the kinge hath sent a graceous Answer to the 
parlement this day, which is most faithfully receved. My 
father was very lought [loath] to by Sir Edward Dearing’s 
book bee cause it wase dear, but now the prise is four times 
soe much as it was then. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 383] 

Honored Cozin, 

I have rd the gloves and ring you sent and doe like of 
them both exceedingly well. I give you hearty thankes for 
your paines in buying the gloves and ring, both which I 
exceedingly like of, and it were a wonder, I and a great 
wonder to, if I should doe otherwise, being growne to that 
passe that I like not of any thing which you thinke not 
choice for mee. 

I desire you to speake my thanks to Sir James Oxinden for 
his care in bying mee books, and I desire you likewise to 



accept of thanks from mee to yours elf e for your care in 
sending them. 

I remember I formerly writ unto you desiring you to write 
to my mother to be persuaded to a liking to this match, which 
since I have had your consents unto, (and for which I give 
you all possible thanks can be imagined), — I am fullie re- 
solved uppon ; but I cannot leame that you fullfilled my 
request concerning that matter. I am resolved once more 
to request your self, Sir J. or my Ladie to doe mee that favour. 
I doe find that noe hand is soe like to cure the wound but that 
which made it. The saying of my Lady Oxinden to my 
mother that she neede not doubt that ever I would have her 
sticke frends in my mother’s brest, hath made such an im- 
pression there that unlesse a seasonable remedie bee applyed 
in short time it is to bee feared it may fester. It will bee 
hard to bee beleft that shee gave mee her consent to have her, 
and parted her kindly and lovingly at Christmas, and can 
object noe fait ag* her when she was with her, and yett will 
not bee persuaded to lett her bee but one poore quarter of a 
yere with her, neither before nor after marriage ; yet have I 
most greatly desired that curtesie of her. It greves mee 
thinke that shee should bee so inexorable in matter of great 
concernement unto mee, and that shee should bee soe deter- 
minate even ag 1 Reason itselfe, which teaches to make the 
best of our gane bee it what it will ; and this putteth mee in 
mind of a discreet and wise speech of the Lady Oxinden’s 
concerning this my intended match ; viz, she wished it were 
other oft, but seing it would bee soe, shee would rhake the 
best she could of it ; a saying truly so reasonable, that if I 
had not heard thereafter of it, yett I should have guessed it to 
have beene hers or your owne. 

There is a lattine saying the English whereof is this, the 
cause being taken away the effect will follow ; now the cause 
of this aversenes in my mother to my desires is not any dislike 
of me, or of her discretion or beauty, but only an imaginary 
conceit that it wil bee a disparagement to her to have a young 
daughter her daughter, and till she is cured of this I have 



little hopes to receive any comfort from her, and this cure 
cannot be effected by me, in regard she will conceive I speake 
in my own behalfe. 

But if a third partie would find an occasion to undertake it, 
there might be some hopes of a good issue thereof. Strange 
it is to mee that my mother should live to these yeares she is 
now off and not to consider with herself that a man’s enemies 
will take advantage enough to debase and undervalue a man’s 
actions, though in themselves commendable and justifiable ; 
and therefore a man’s friends ought, if not like of, yet not by 
an apparent dislike to make a matter seeme more dishonour- 
able to the world then it would otherwise doe ; and no lesse 
strange it is to me that she shuld bee soe unalterable in her 
dislike, so alterable in her likeings. At Easter weke shee is 
intended for London, and if she continue above halfe a year 
at anyone place there, I dare be registred for a Heretikt. I trust 
I give her few causes of offences as may bee, and yet neither 
home, nor promises, nor convenience nor anything else 
can persuade her to be a pillar to uphold that house wherein 
God and nature hath placed her. I should bee glad to have 
her healp and concurrence in sustaining of it, but if she shall 
faile in doing her parte, it shall not discurage me from doing 
myne. And whether it bee upheld with repute or not (as by 
God’s blessing I hope it will bee) I shall bee sorrie that I 
must injure posterity in regard and especially that I was 
inforced to uphold it alone, and that shee shuld have little or 
no part in the honour of the preservation of it ; having soe 
great an ‘interest in the successe of these endeavours in re- 
spect of the wishes of him who uppon his death bed desired 
it of her. 

If I had not intended to marrie yet (shee said) she ment to 
goe for London ; and when her little house was emptie, to 
returne thether, in regard of the nearenes of the parlour ; and 
then, when shee had bene there a little while, sure I am shee 
would have come to mee againe ; and a verie great desire she 
hath had likewise to live at Canterburie ; and were it not that 
I had bene usually averse unto it, shee would have gon 



thether last yeere ; and in circumference will shee persecute 
mee, even till shee comes to her jurny’s end. 

And note, were this any advantage to her selfe or any of her 
children I shuld thinke it were well done of her ; but when it 
is to no purpose, I could wish she might something bee dis- 
suaded from this unsetled condition of mind. I speake not 
this like wicked children to discover the nakednes of my 
Parent, but with desire to have it prevented. 

Pardon mee I beseech you, if, out of the greife I conceive in 
mind, I speake something, to see some parents in the world 
upon the utmost of their endeavours some to raise, some to 
uphold, their families, and this care shuld bee deficient 
where it were most advantagious for me to have it bee, and 
where in reason it ought to bee. 




[MS. 28,000, f. 158] 

Honored Cozin, 

I am the more obliged unto you for your newes in 
regard I know itt is not usuall with you to write any, though 
itt bee to your best friends. I will assure you I take each line 
of your letters for a favour, which if I know not how to requite, 
I desire you to impute it to want of ability, not of good will, 
love or affection. 

I know not whether to thanke your selfe or my most 
honored Cozin Dallison for sending mee the bookes I re- 
ceived ; to which of you soever the thankes belong, they 
ought to bee the more in regard such care was taken I should 
have all, that itt was thought fitt rather to send me three 
severall copies of some then I should misse of anie one. 

Your Care of your wife and children I like verie well of, in 
regard whatever come of mee, or anie of mine, I desire to have 
some of the bloud of Him who is most deare to mee to bee 
remaining uppon the face of the earth. 

The desire of the Parliament in haveing the Forts and 



Militia in such commanders’ hands as they may confide in, if 
itt cannot obtain neither by the one way nor the other, I hold 
itt and myselfe in some what a desperate Case, if not by 
Reason of Vipers att home, yett of enemies abroad. 

I beleive all you have conjectured will prove too true, 
except (to use your owne expression, for I know not how to 
make one so good) God worke miracles paralell to some of 
them of old ; and I am afraid miracles are ceased. 

Wee have had such ill lucke in chosing knights for our 
Shire as I am discouraged in taking pames in chosing anie 
more. I must confesse itt did ever runne in my head, that 
Sir Edward Deereing has so used to turne round in his 
Studie that hee would doe the like in the Parliament House. 
Pray God his much turning hath not made his head dazie, 
and that hee doth not turne out of his right witts. I pray 
confide that I will not shew, or report any of your letters to 
your prejudice ; I hope I have now attained to that degree of 
perfection as to know what is fitting to shew, or report, and 
what not, and to whom not ; and bee you for ever assured, I 
shall bee more tender of your repute then of mine owne. 

Pirn’s speech, if I have anie judgement is excellent. I thank 
you for your remembrance of my Mistris, whom the more I 
am acquainted with, the more I find myselfe obliged to love ; 
and in regard I take her as my child and friend, without all 
peradventure I shall bee the more tender of her, and whoso- 
ever shall blame mee for being soe (though itt were my owne 
mother) I should think myselfe little beholding to her for itt ; 
neither can I possibly beleive any body liveing (whatsoever 
may be pretended) can love mee that shall now anie way goe 
about to make a separation betweene myselfe and her ; whom 
I must, I ought and I will most dearly love, till I have, (which 
I strongly confide will bee never) iust reason to the contrary. 

I doe perswade my selfe, I have ever bene as reall and true 
to my friends as any man liveing uppon the earth, and I will 
not now begin to bee false to them, and my selfe too ; and I 
hope I have so much knowledge ioyned with my honestie, as 
now not to be ignorant of what is reasonably fitt for mee to 



doe ; and therefore doe not stand so much in neede of advice 
from my friends as consent to this intended action of mine, 
which I hope may adde a great measure of felicity to mee, in 
setling my cogitations to a staid and religious course of life, 
which will bee the only meanes to save both my body and 
soule ; the preservation whereof itt is now high time for me 
to respect, before any worldly honours, pleasures, riches or 
preferment whatsoever. 

As concerning the fault you say my Mother layeth uppon 
you, I do here under my hand, absolutely cleare you of itt. I 
could say much, but this shall suffice, that according to the 
nature of women, it seemes of a moalehill she hath made a 
mountaine so great that it hath reached up to London ; shee 
begins to bee in years and hath forgott what portion shee 
brought her selfe to One whose estate was far more then mine, 
as the Case stands with me ; and wherein shee did exceede 
the Partie in other things, perhaps itt may bee as much un- 
knowne to others as I am sure itt is to mee. I am sorrie I 
am forced to say thus much, yett I am the less, when I think 
uppon the command of my Lord and Saviour to forsake 
Father and Mother and cleave to my owne Flesh : however 
passion shall never transport mee so farre as like cham to dis- 
cover the nakednesse of my Parents, nor to resemble that 
foule and evill bird which bewraies her owne nest. 

I suppose by this time the Kentish petition is presented to 
the Parliament , 1 at the presentation of which I should not 
have bene absent, if my health had bene answereable to my 

I desire to know how long you intend to stay att London ? 
when you intend to bee in Kent ? and whether you intend 
to bee there againe in Easter tearme ? I pray lett mee heare 
from you next Saturday, and beleive there is not that man 
alive who doth so much love and honour you as 

Your unalterable and affectionate friend 
and most humble servant 

H. E. 

1 It did not reach the house till April 30, 1643, cf. Gardiner, ii. 457. 


CCXXX (Draft) 


[MS. 28,000, f. 382V.] 

Honored Cozin, 

I am much delighted with your resemblance of my 
cozin M rs verses to a beare unlicked ; as allso with your two 
other following conceits, wherein you shewed your owne 
mother witt soe eloquently as it greves me that my deare be- 
loved Cozin is not in these partes that I might make him par- 
take of the happines of the sight of them, together with my- 
selfe ; for to him and him alone my iudgement will permit 
me to shew them. As concerning that which my most 
honored unkle desires to bee informed of concerning my 
neighbour Sir Anthony, this much ; viz. that for aught Sir 
George Theobald, my Cozin Masters and myselfe, or any of 
the courtears could perceive the king was noe way disliked 
at Sir Anthony Percifal’s busynes and about his bulwarke ; 
otherwise he would not have gon thither severall times him- 
selfe and carried his Q. thether with him and received enter- 
taynements there ; and Sir George positively affirmed unto 
mee that he can not perceive but that Sir Anthony stands in 
great favour at Court, etc. I have this morning sent to 
Mr. Mayor and some others for a copy of the Canterbury 
petition if it bee to bee had. I have given order to have it 
put up with my letter and sent unto you ; if I cannot get it 
I hope my unkle will excuse of my endeavour, which hath bene 
earnest and according to my best judgment : I thanke you 
for sending mee the bookes I rd : if Sir Edward Deering’s 
booke bee yet to bee had at a low rate I would willinglie have 
it, otherwise noe. Amongst the books you sent mee there 
was one contening Rules to get children by with handsome 
faces ; but I beleive I know a better rule then any there, and 
that is to chose a fair wife, and then, if it be not the man's 
fault, the children are likely to bee beautyfull enough. 

I thank you for your care in buying mee a ring, wee shall 
expect noe better then 5 or 6 and twenty nobles will by : wee 



From a portrait by Marc Ghaeraedts, in the possession of Lady Capel Cure 
Photographer, Medici Society. 


doe thinke one of one diamond will bee most compleate : I 
shuld thinke in these dead times such toyes might be had at 
easiest rates ; I shall rest wholy uppon your iudgment in the 
choice of that, as allso of the bed, and assure yourselfe I 
cannot but bee in love with what you in your judgment shall 
thinke to bee best for us. 

The hight of the bed is 7 f. 7 inches ; the bredth 6 foote 
three inches ; the length is 7 foote ; the 4 posts at the biggest 
place 1 f. round ; and at the top, at the least place, 7 inches 
and a halfe, and grow lesse and lesse by equall proportions. 
We would willingly have of the latest fashion, for this is all 
the beds we are like to make in our time, and were it not, as 
I may say, a case of absolute necessity, we shuld not put our- 
selves to the cost [of] a bed, and now especially these turbulent 
and uncertaine times. We shall send up money when wee 
know how much will sele the bond. 1 . . . 

I shall acquaint my brother James as from my Ant how 
dangerous it will bee for him to converse with the minister 
you have named in your letter ; if I shuld doe it as from my- 
selfe I doe find hee will now little regard my counsell, for hee 
thinks hee knows soe much more then I, that I shall but lose 
my labour to goe about it : besides his tenets are soe mightily 
different from mine as causes the more strangenes betweene 
us : my conscience tells mee that it is fitting there should be a 
reformation both in life and doctrine, and his, according to the 
Episcopall Cathedrall or prelaticall preists, needs not soe 
much that as a Religion which may advance the pompe and 
libertie of the clergie over the Laytie ; and I find him to dis- 
like all those men who are of a different opinion with him, 
though his friends and good men. 

It was a noble act of Sir James, my Lady and yourselfe, act 
most worthy to be requited amongst everlasting rewards, in 
procuring him this liveing ; and my prayers are that he may 
soe live and teach as that noe envious adversaries may ever 
have just occasion to goe about to put him from it. Would 

1 Passage omitted which is repeated in another letter, about Mrs. 
Oxinden’s attitude to Katherine Culling. 



hee but consider with himselfe how many kindes of men no 
lesse deserving then himselfe live all their lives and are not able 
to gett any preferment at all ; or would hee but seriously weigh 
with himselfe how that that learning hee hath, hath cost him 
full at 300 1 of his own mony, besides 200 1 of mine, I should 
thinke it might make him want enough not to hazard the losse ; 
it might make him the more warie and vigilant [toward] his 
enemies and the more apt and willing to hearken to the good 
consell of his frends. It might make him the more studious 
to keepe what his friends have procured for him. 



[MS. 28,000, f. 180] 

Most Kinde and Lovinge Mother, 

My most humble duty remembred unto you, being 
glad to heare of your good health, I reaseaved your kinde 
letter, for which I give you many thankes. Lovinge mother, 
though I have beene a little given to Company-keepinge i am 
sure i have found the misery of it mysealfe. And God hath 
recalled mee backe, And i hope that God will give mee his 
grace to keepe mee from it. Lovinge mother, Pray bee not 
anywayes troubled because that i went out of the proffession 
you placed mee in, for i hope by the grace of God and your 
prayers for mee i shall doe as well in any other whatsoever, 
that i may live in a credible way. Times beeinge soe danger- 
ous and so uncertayne it gives very little incouragement to 
shopkeepers ; my master hath promised mee my freedom 
when my time is expired. And I hope bie that time things 
will bee better settled. 

I pray remember my servis to my Brother Oxinden, Soe 
ever praying to God to blesse you with a happy and Longe 
life heare, And praying to God for your health as in duty i 
am bound, I rest 

Your ever dutifull sonne till death 
March last 1642 Adam Oxinden 




[MS. 28,000, f. 50] 


How to answere your letter punctually as I would 
doe I know nott, having an ill memorie, and your letter nott 
about mee ; itt came butt very lately to my hand, by reason 
of the great distance that is from the lodging where wee live 
and blacke friers, ioyn’d with theire forgettfulnes and my 
sister Dallison’s being then out of towne, yett I thinke since 
I receiv’d itt there hath been no returne. For newes I can 
certifie you but very little good, and for bad that is seldome 
welcome, so I shall bee short. The Keeper hath sent away 
the seale by the king’s command and himself e is run after ; 
there were posts sent to raise the countrie and attach him if 
possible and bring him backe b [MS. torn] too late and hee is 
with the king. This hath struck some with amazement, in 
some rais’d coller, in others ioye and contentment, butt by 
most sadly consid’red as a matter of very ill consequence. 
Hee begun to bee the darling of lords house and much con- 
fided in, hee had the casting voice for m[iliti]a and argued 
itt often and stronglie as very necessary and lawfull, and 
doubtlesse hee was trusted with many secretts and intentions 
of both houses, in the discovery of which greatt things may 
ensue. The Pari, intend to stopp the remove of the terme 
[MS. torn] iff possible, the absence of the Seale is of that dis- 
advantage to the houses and advantage to the King [MS. 
blotted] as few things have happened more since the con- 
ventions ; how theyle terme the King’s messages, answeres, 
declarations and proclamations, bare printed papers, when 
they have the broad Seale and King’s hand for authoritie, I 
know nott, sure I am theyle bee observed and obeyed of very 
many ; there are two or 3 Sheeres have mustred in obedience 
to the ordnance, Middlesex doth this day and lincorne to- 
morrow, where the King itt is sayd intends to bee and divert 
them if hee can ; from Yorke there came a post last night, butt 



what news I know nott. Itt is sayd thatt there is a committee 
apointed for an accommodation, and some say the going away 
of the Keeper will forward itt. They doe so little confide in 
Kent that they are afraid to send downe their ordnance. I 
know nott whether my father or sister hath bought you any 
bookes, butt if they have nott you shall nott fayle of some ; 
too morrow wee intend to goe for Leeds, where I shall bee 
glad to see you beef ore next terme. The king is heigher 
then ever, the pari: abate little, God of his mercy send union, 
in whose mercy I committ you and rest 

Yours att command 

[Probable date May 1642] 

H. Oxinden 


[MS. 28,000, f. 191] 

Lovinge Mother, 

I was looth to write to you tell I could write some 
certeinty conceminge my brother Adam, he is nowe, and I 
hope very well, placed under one Mr. Gilbertt who is one of 
the Cheife under the Earle of Leister ; he goes nott as a 
souldier butt as Clark to his Master. I hope it will prove 
very well and happie for him ; I have done the utmost of 
my power for his preferment, and I could finde noe way more 
likely to suite with his disposition then the way he is nowe in. 
I pray God give a blessing to his resolutions and Indeauors. 
I must say this much for my brother Adam his behalfe, that 
since he came out from the exchaunge, and that itt was re- 
solved he should not live longer a prentice, he hath lived as 
civilly and as orderly as any young man in towne, and there 
is noe feare nor doubt butt he will doe exceeding well, for I 
knowe not a better governed young man then he is, and his 
master liketh him exceeding well and hath promised mee that 
when Ireland shall be againe setled he will preferr him to a 
very good place, the which he can very well doe. For he is a 



man very well beloved ther, and is ther a parliament man. 
Newes I cannot write any, I cannot see but thatt we are all 
in the way to be a miserable people, for heere is nothinge butt 
distractions, the which makes mee feare will bring us too 
confusion, and I pray God wee may not have just cause to say 
that what wee tooke to be for our wealth be nott unto us an 
occasion of falling ; here is great, too greate, feare of itt, but 
wee must submitt to God’s will, he give us grace to take the 
true and right way and patience to beare what ever he sends ; 
and soe with the remembrance of my humble duty to you and 
my love to my sister Elizabeth, I rest 

Your truly loving dutifull sonn 

Tho: Barrow 

Lo. >]th June 


[MS. 28,000, f. 93] 

Good Sister, 

Heer was with me this morning my Cosin Adam 
whos plas that we all thought so fit for him is com to nothing, 
by reson my Lord of Lester is not like to go to eyrlland, to 
whos soldrigary my Cosin shold have bin on of the secrettarys, 
so he is wholy to seeke of an Imployment now. M tr broks 
that he is with all is wery of his being ther, which I persave 
much discontents my Cosin Adam, and as he saith, meat and 
drink is not all that he must have, for that sut his master made 
him is bad now and more Clothes he is Shure he canot have 
of him ; my Lord of Lester’s Secretary sayth if he can procure 
his frends to set him out with these, which he sayth 20 or 
thirty pound will do, he will plase him with a Captayne of his 
aquayntance, to be his Aynshant [Ancient] . Now his desire is 
that you wold give your Consent to this imployment and get 
his brother to send him 20 11 , which he sayth he will make serve 
his turne, and that it might be with speed, for the plas canot 



be stayed a bove 14 days for him. I sent for my cosin 
barrow, who estemeth that and this plase may be had, and 
that if my Cosin Hary be not fited with present monies, he will 
lay it downe for him, a pon a condision that my cosin hary will 
prefix a time of paying it him a gayne, and that if my cosin 
have to returne, he will bethought that my cosin Adam shall 
pay it him a gayne, if my cosin dy than thay say my Cosin 
Hary may pay himself. For my advise, trewly Sister I see 
not any cors he can take but he must run hasards, and the 
plase he now is in he canot continew in, nether is it any 
advancment for him if he cold. My brother partherich was 
now heer and teleth us my Cosin Richard’s Cornell is now 
Sir William Ogell, 1 who loveth my brother Partherich ex- 
cedingly and hath promised to befrend my cosin much, so as 
I doubt not if god send him life he will rays his fortunes very 
much. What with this pay, and monyes put into his hands 
for to rays his men, and pay that was dew to him in the north, 
which he neer had payd him, and that mony for pay he had 
for his jorny with the king to winsor, [it] hath set him out in 
a very comendable way, as I beleve most kaptaynes wer, and 
monyes in his pers to ; he toke his jorny from this towne this 
day senight. I pray sister send me your speedy answer. So 
with my harty love to you and the like from my daughter 
Dallison, I comit you to God allmighti and rest 

Your most afectionat sister 

Margaret Oxinden 


[MS. 28,000, f. 178] 

[Sir James Oxinden and his family when in London lodged at 
4 4 one Mr. Sparks, Shoemaker, at the signe of the peacock in 
blackfryers nere the Church 

When Richard Oxinden speaks of the “ over-ruling zeal of the 
blackfriars ” he is probably indulging in a little pleasantry about 

1 Ogle. 



the good advice he has received from his relations in that neigh- 

Deere Brother, 

I must confesse that you have just cause to lay that 
ugly sinne of Ingratitude to my Charge, in regard that in all 
this time I have not retumde my thankfullnes unto you for 
soe many favers received from you when I was laste with you 
in Keente, and I am fearfull that I sholde have still lived in 
forgeetfullnesse had I not bin roused up with the overrewlinge 
zeale of the blacke freyares ; I hope your goodnes will pardon 
this neglect in mee, in regard that it hath not bin my Custum 
to write unto any allthou I loved them neaver so deerly, not 
that I alowe any to bee seuperior to you in my affacktiones. 
I thinke my time that I have to stay in this Kingdome is but 
shorte, I shoolde have taken it for a greate deale of happines 
if I might have bin so fortunat as to have seene you beefore 
my departure, but we are all tide to adendance and eavary day 
expackte munnies to disspache us, which is the only cause of 
our stay. For other sitty newes Sir James will give you 
beetter sattisfaction than I cane by writinge. 

I heare that you ar towardes another wife, I pray God shee 
maye bee such a one as may anser your desiers in all thinges. 
I should thinke myseelfe much bownde unto fortune if it 
might ly in my waie to sarve you, that you may finde the 
diffarance beetwene my expression and my reallity acordinge 
to youre desire. I [have] to leete you understand that my 
Cosen Katherine Howbart is in towne, and woulde bee very 
glad to see you, if you plese to you may heare of her at 
my Brother Barrowes. I shall desire this favor from you to 
present my humble dewty to my mother, not for geetinge my 
Brother James and my sister Dallison and my humble sarvis 
to your faire mistris (by mee unknowne) and to all the reest of 
your lovinge frendes and mine, more I dare not write, for I 
am fearfull that you will not picke oute the sume of these 
rewde lines that I have allredy written. Craving pardon of 
you for this large extent of trouble, with my eaver acknow- 
ledged thankfullnes unto you for all your kinde respactes 
u 3°5 


and my trew love and favurs remembered to yourselfe, I 
humbly take my leave and rest 

Your eaver loving Brother 
to sarve you 

Richard Oxinden 

Sariant [Sergeant] 




[MS. 28,000, f. 190] 

Honor’d Cozen, 

Sending my boy into East Kent, I should have held itt 
a great breach of privilege of frendshype and that due respect 
love and service I owe you had I nott saluted you, your fair 
Mistris and mother with my best wishes and servis and 
desired to heare of your healthe and welfare. 

I am now returned to Leeds againe (Sir William 1 and 
my Ladie having quite layd aside their journey into wayles) 
where by reason of want of horses, I must keepe the house, 
one of mine being lame, an other att Grasse some 30 miles 
hence, and the third a colt by her side, which troubles mee the 
more in regard of the great desire I had to steale over and 
spend 3 or 4 dayes with you, att your owne house, which 
since itt can nott bee, I must content my selfe with contem- 
plation only, and reserve that my happines till some time after 
next terme. Nor can I see you possibly before, unlesse your 
occasione can afford you so much idle time as to lett us see 
you heere ; pray pleasure mee with a little news of your 
countrie and lett me know, if you can, how itt stands affected. 
I am sure the Pari: neither affect itt, nor dare confide in itt, for 
ought I perceive ; yett the countriemen and good part of the 
Gentrie, I hope, stand firme ; now union or never, for All is 
att stake, and the rent is conceived to bee so great that it can 
hardly bee drawne up ; wherefore continue to doe good for 
1 That is his father-in-law, Sir William Meredith. 



your countreis service, for I have hard commendations of you 
for itt. For the Malignants which you say love mee so little, 
I neither feare nor care for them ; God and a good con- 
sience I hope will diliver me from them, which I desire to 
bee next to the bearer. There is a new remonstrance come 
forth since the great one ; itt came outt Last Friday morn- 
ing, which with the other I thinke will satisfie any resonable 
person ; pray lett mee know how Vince Den doth, and re- 
member mee to him. Pray bee a little free and copious con- 
cerning the passages of the countrie, beetweene whom so 
ever, which may anyway tend to my advantage or securitie 
by the knowledge thereof, for now, if ever, itt is most fitt to 
know a man’s foes from his frends. 

Sir William and his Ladie present their servis to you, so 
doth my wife, and to your mistris and mother, pray accept 
of mine also againe from 

Your most affectionat and faythfull 
cozen and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

For Sir Anth: Percevall’s busines I can give you very little 
account of itt, only this, the question being putt, the votes of 
the committee were equally divided, my uncle partrich did 
butt steppe out to speake a word with a frend and the question 
was put in the interim, who would have been against him had 
hee been present ; butt this makes nothing, for itt must 
passe the house. 

Leeds Abby May the 30 th 



[MS. 28,000, f. 197] 

[Vincent Denne of Wenderton, as the Diary records twice over, 
died on June nth, 1642. He appointed Henry Oxinden his 
executor, a mark of confidence which had disastrous results upon 



his friend’s subsequent fortunes, involving him in protracted 
law-suits with the Denne family.] 

Most Worthy Cozin, 

I must heere in the first place condole with you for 
your great losse of so true a friend, and truly I account my 
selfe to beare a good share therein ; now that dutie is done, 
I hope I may have leave and cause to congratulate with you in 
that great trust and confidence hee hath reposed in you above 
all his other friends, how neere or deere so ever, whether 
brother, sister or nephew etct: in this office I wish you 
hartilie both contentement and quiettnesse, which I doubt 
nott off, if he hath settled things so discreetly as I hope hee 
hath. Lett mee hear a word or two pray of this for my satis- 
faction, and of his manner of diing. The letter you sent mee, 
by my boy, was full of delight to mee (and I retume you a full 
of thankes for itt) especially the inclosed secrett passages, 
which if you have any now they will without feare, safe and 
securely come to my hands. I live heere in the shade both 
of newes and conversation, especially of my owne country, 
and I know you doe nott butt beeleive thatt the one or the 
other would bee very comfortable. And amongst the rest 
pray lett mee know how the captaines of your country stand 
affected to the time, and their places, and wether there be any 
remove of any of them, or any that quitt their places volun- 
tarily, and how you thinke the ordinance will bee obeyed and 
when you expect itt. And trulie to deale freely and ingeni- 
ously with you (for I could never doe otherwise with you, 
though itt were to the greatt hazard of frendship and some- 
times to my dammage) I am much diswaded and importun’d 
by my best and deerest frends, on both sides, nott to medle 
w th the Militia ; you only excepted, whose opinion and judge- 
ment I shall a greatt deale valew and desire in this point. 
All their arguments were to tedious to sett downe . He trouble 
you but with one or two. To sett still and take noe parts, 
especially as a commander, is the wisest and safest way: next 
they allege the necessitie why I should, and impossibilitie 
why I can nott, live upon the place, the latter because of my 



weake estate, and multiplicitie of suites, expenses and busines, 
to which I must give an Assiduall and necessary attendance 
where ere the terme bee. Then they urge the proclamation 
and invaliditie of the ordinance and power of the King’s 
punishment, wich is by death and confiscation if conqueror, 
the parliament having only power to fine and imprison. With 
these and such like they seeke to divert mee, and I feare I 
shall have att last a command upon pain [of] disobedience nott 
to medle, and then I shall bee att stand. In this as in all 
other weightie affaires, I shall and doe desire and implore 
your councell, iudgement and grave advise, which is and ever 
shall bee much esteemed and valued, 

Your most affectionate frend and servant 

Henry Oxinden 

Leeds Abby June the 18 th 1642 

I am still in the same want of horses I was when I wrott to 
you last, and have still the same desire I had to see you, and 
since your occasions bee such that dayes cannott bee spared 
by you, yett mee thinks they can nott bee soe greatt but that 
a few houres might bee spared to see and converse with a 
frend. For which pourpose, if you thinke so fitt and your 
better time will permitt, I will borrow a horse of Sir William, 
which I know hee will lend mee for so little a way and time, 
and mett you att Chollocke lees, at the ale house there, or att 
Molish, 1 which is a mile neerer you, att what time you will 
appoint on Tuesday morning, which is the day I had rather 
itt should bee of then any, yett I will submitt to your con- 

My wife and I present our servis to your faire mistris and 
selfe as also to my aunt etc; wee longe to know when wee may 
joye you. This boy I send only to you ; he nether goes to 
Wingham nor any other place, and lett itt nott bee knowne 
that he was with you, butt send him early away on Munday. 

1 Challock (still pronounced Chollock) and Molash are villages midway 
between Leeds and Canterbury. 





[MS. 28,000, f. 209] 

[James Oxinden married on July nth, 1642, a widow, Mrs. 
Maria Pattison.] 

Lovinge Brother, 

I received your letter and doe most kindly thanke you 
for your kind remembrance, I am hartily glad to heare of your 
good health with the health off the rest of my frends. 

Iff my brother James hath nott made more hast then good 
speed I am hartily glad to heare of his marriadge. Iff he 
hath, I presume itt was his owne act, and he must nowe make 
the best off a bad cause, butt I presume the proverbe rann in 
his head, happy is that woynge that is nott long a doynge. 
I shall nott cease to pray to God to make your marriadge when 
ever itt be, and his thatt is alreadie past, happy and success- 
full to you both, and I have sentt such things as are newly 
come forth too the former ; I presume you have them 
alreadie. Concerning newes nott in printt, here is litle. Here 
is great preparations for wars, butt not against the Kinge, 
happily nott against his person butt Crowne ; yett we fight for 
Religion, butt I d[ecl]are our fight nott for the true protestant 
religion, thats the least of ther thoughts, butt for too maintain 
ther newe invented sismaticall factions and ther hereticall 
opinions ; and I doe veryly beleue did [you] butt see and 
knowe the passages I have sene and knowe, or had you butt 
heard the discourse I heard from a parliament man this day, 
you would persist from being soe strong a parliamentarian, and 
after a short time I make noe question butt you will see some 
good cause too alter your opinion ; butt however, I hope though 
wee differ in opinion conceminge k. and pari: yett I hope we 
have one Lord, one fayth, one Baptisme, and Iff wee have soe, 
itt is more than many brothers nowe a day have, for her is 
nowe nott onely differences betwene brothers butt between© 
fathers and children concerninge fayth and Baptisme. I am 
afrayd they will shortly find out a newe God, alsoe, butt 



enough off thatt subiect. I have here inclosed a bill, and 
indeed itt is nowe a deed of Charity to pay mony for I nevere 
wanted itt more in life. I make account, God permitting, to 
goe tomorrow or next day to see my wife and children, whoe 
hath beene this month or 5 weeks in Cambridgeshere, and I 
shall not bee at home tell this day fortnight. 

I pray remember my duty to my mother, love to my sister 
Elizabeth, nott forgetting my true respects to you and too her 
whoe shall shortly be your second selfe, I rest 

Your truly loving brother at Comand 

Thomas Barrow 

Lon: this yd July 1642 



[MS. 28,000, f. 213] 

Most Honored Cozen, 

Had I the pen of a readie writter I could expresse to 
the life the joy and contentment I received by your last 
societie, for which (in plaine termes) I thanke you, and wish 
that att your best leasure you would prefix a time of meeting 
there again, some morninge, I meane att Molish, which done, 
I would send my boy beforehand to provide something for 
our dinners. I was in good hope ere this to have had a 
letter from you, of satisfaction concerninge the dispositions of 
the Kaptaines in your countrie, as also when the Ordinance 
of the 'Militia is expected, and how you thinke itt will bee 
obeyed, as likewise about some other matters we discoursed 
of, but of you and these as yett I have heard nothing. It is 
heere reported thatt the king hath and intends to send com- 
missions of aray to all the counties of England and Wales, and 
that in some counties the settlement of the Militia by 
vertue of the Ordnance of Pari: hath been much opposed and 
hindred, insomuch that my Lord Willouby of Parham and 

3 1 * 


many other Lord Leuitenants are returned to the Pari: with- 
out effecting the worke. I heare that Sir Thomas Palmer 
is in the commission of Aray and so is Anthony Hammon, for 
Kent. I would gladly know whether they exept of itt, or no, 
or can refuse itt ; if itt be true, wee shall have old doings, and 
woe bee to our poore countrie ; sure I am, I will much rather 
quitte my place then obey, or serve under any comission 
without co[n]sent of, much lesse against the Pari: ittselfe and 
our owne lawes and liberties. I heare that Ned Sands hath 
bought fourniture for twentie horse, and hath gott an order 
of Pari: for the maintainning of them ; of the order say nothing, 
for I think hee would not have itt knowne. I can nott butt 
thinke what a blunder and ravage hee will make upon the 
Araymen with his 20 horse. 

The busines you and I talk’d of, concerning your peyrill, 
I have acquainted them with, butt as yett, have had noe 

Heere is a buzinge bruit of something done by Sir John 
Pennington about the downes, I would gladlie know what itt is. 
Mee thinks my condition beetwixt the commission of Aray 
and ordinance of Pari: is like his that is between Silla and 
Carybdis, and nothing butt Omnipotentcie can bring mee 
clearely and reputably off, yett I would bee most glad to heare 
the best human advise I know (which is yours) in this point ; 
and to bee informed of the examples of wiser men, and 
amongst them what Sir James Hales and Ned Monings in- 
tend to doe. So with our Servis to your Selfe, mistris and 
rest of your familie, I rest 

Your most affectionatt frend and servant 

Henr: Oxinden 

Julie the 20 th 



If you appoint some day this weeke I shall bee glad, for 
next weeke I must goe to London. 




[MS. 28,000, f. 220] 


Whatt you sent us wee kindly except, and return the 
same from us to you, our best respects and service, and for a 
requitall of news, I tell you that whereas you say the com- 
mission of array will not be obey’d by an equall part of the 
Gentrie nor anie considerable part of free-holders in your 
parts, itt will find obedience of five gentlemen for one and of 
the major part of yeomen in these parts, I am credibly 

I desire a paire signetts, cock and henne if possible, or 
rather claime them by coustome, and promise itt will nott 
bee long ere I see you, in the meane time, farewell. 

Your affectionatt frend 

Hen: Oxinden 

Leeds Abby 
August the 20th 1642 



Manuscript Sources 

Additional MSS., 27,999, 28,000, British Museum. 

Peyton Letters, by permission of Lady Capel Cure. 

Oxinden Papers. Collections of the Kent Archaeological Society, 
Maidstone Museum. 

Oxinden Papers, Dean and Chapter Library, Canterbury. 

Register of Kingston Church, Kent. 

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I. General 

The Genealogist , vol. viii, vols. xxxi-xxxviii, containing the Diary 
of Henry Oxinden of Barham. 

S. R. Gardiner, Fall of the Monarchy of Charles J, vols. i and ii 

Calendars of Domestic State Papers, Charles I, 1631-1640. 
Cambridge Modern History , vol. iv : Thirty Years’ War. 

Dictionary of National Biography . 

Fowler, History of Corpus Christi College (1893). 

Baker, History of St. John's College, Cambridge , ed. J. E. B. Mayor 

Chalmers' Poets (1810), vol. iv : Warner, Albion’s England, vol. v : 
Donne’s Poems. 

Hegge, Legend of St. Cuthbert, ed. J. B. Taylor (1816). 
Lee-Wamer, Life of John Warner, Bishop of Rochester (1901). 

C. T. Martin, Minutes of Parliament of the Middle Temple. 

Shaw, Knights of England . 

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Harris, History of Kent (1719). 

Hasted, History of Kent, 4 vols. (1790), principally vols. iii and iv. 
W. Berry, Pedigrees of the Families of the County of Kent (1830). 
Philipott, Villare Cantianum. 

Archceologia Cantiana , principally vol. vi. 

Woodruff and Danks, Memorials of the Cathedral and Priory of 
Christ in Canterbury (1912). 

Cowper, Canterbury Marriage Licences. 

Harleian Society, Registers of Canterbury Cathedral (1878). 

Hussey, Chronicles of Wingham (1896). 




Abell, Alderman, 185. 

Aldey (Aldy) Edward, Minister of 
St. Andrew's, Canterbury, Ac- 
count of, 15 ; 17, 184, 265. 

Aldrich, Dr. Francis, Principal of 
Sidney Coll., Cambridge, 121. 

Aldrich, Simon, father of Mrs. 
John Swan, 121, 189. 

Alexander, Sir William of Men- 
strie, Earl of Stirling, grantee of 
Nova Scotia, 141. 

Alkham, Vicarage of, 47. 

Allen, Marie, see Culling, James. 

Amboyna, Massacre at, 4, 18. A 
True Relation of the Proceedings 
at, 17, 18. Governor of. Van 
Speult, 4. 

Anyan, Dr. Thomas, President of 
C C.C., Oxford, xxiv, Account 
of, 16 ; 17, 27, 46. 

Aristotle, quoted, 205 ; Ethicks of, 
borrowed, 48. 

Array, Commissions of, issued by 
Charles I, xxxiv, 256, 312, 313. 

Ash, next Sandwich, xiv ; Manor 
of Goshall in, 148. 

Ashford, girls' school at, xxix, 149. 

Astley, Sir Jacob, sent into the 
North, 137, 142. 

Aucher, Sir Anthony, of Bourne 
Park, 8 ; Portraits of his family, 

Austria, at war, 5, 10. 


Baker, Arthur, son of Sir Richard 
Baker, 224. 

Baker, Frances (Wilsford), Lady, 
(“ The Lady ”), xxxi, xxxii, 
17 5> 193 ; account of, 223-4 l 
carries Katherine Culling to 
London, 225-6, 228-232, 237, 
243 ; tries to marry her to 
Shelton, 244; 245, 251, 280. 

Baker, Mary, see Oxinden, Henry, 
of Dene. 

Baker, Sir Richard, author of A 
Chronicle of the Kings of Eng- 
land , xxxi, xxxii ; account of, 

Baker, Sir Thomas, husband of 
Lady Baker, xxxi ; account of, 
223-4 \ f ai ls t0 pay cess, 231. 

Balcanquall, Dr. Walter, Rector of 
Kingston, Dean of Rochester 
and Durham, xvn, xxii, 3 ; ac- 
count of, 8 ; his relation of Bo- 
hemian campaign, 9, 10 ; letter 
of, to Sir James Oxinden, V ; 

1 91, 224. 

Bargrave, family of, xvii, 112. 

Bargrave, Robert, of Bifrons, 2 ; 
account of, 112 ; tries Goodwife 
Gilnot for witchcraft, 220 ; 
letter of, to Mrs Anne Oxinden, 
XCIV ; wife of, Elizabeth (Pey- 
ton), 1 12. 

Bargrave, Isaac, Dean of Canter- 
bury, xvi, 1 12, 127, 132; goes 
hunting, 146 ; 232. 

Barham, xix, 1, 44, 56, 105, 124 ; 
chapelry of, 203 ; church of ,xxxm, 
140 ; pews m, 124-8; sermon at, 
241 ; Covert Wood m, 106; estates 
in, 96; (Gathurst), xix, 97; 
(Shelving), 124, 125 ; South 
Barham, 47, 124, 125, 195, 224 ; 
Mill in, 128 ; Parsonage of, 203, 
207 ; bam at, 205, 207. 

Barrow, Thomas, xxvii, xxviii, 
85, hi (footnote) ; marries 
Katherine Oxinden, 116 ; 122, 
128, 130, 132-4, 138, 139, 144, 
150-2, 157, 169, 186, 194, 195, 
201, 209, 250, 251, 261, 304, 
305. Letters from, to Henry Oxin- 
CCXXXVIII ; to Mrs. Kathe- 
rine Oxinden, CCXXXIII . 



Letters to, from Henry Oxmden, 
116,129,210,214,219 (2), 249; 
from Mrs. Katherine Oxinden, 

Barrow, Mrs* Katherine (Oxin- 
den), xxviii, 53, 84, 89, 92; 
courtship, in ; 116, 117, 122, 
133, 144, 152, 218, 219, 220, 
248; birth of her daughter, 250. 

Beacon hill m Denton, 153, 177. 

Beale, Dr. William, Master of St. 
John’s College, Cambridge, 49, 

72, 95, 1 85. 

Beamond, John, of C.C.C., Oxford, 

36, 38. 

Beechborough, see Brockman, Sir 

Bekesbourne, Henry Oxinden 
married at, 80 ; home of Thomas 
Hales, 85, 89. 

Berwick, Charles I goes to, 137, 
151, 208. 

Bifrons, see Bargrave. 

Bishops, attacks on the, 15 1, 163, 
187, 202, 258. 

Bishopsboume, xvii, 203 ; church 
of, Hooker’s, 8. 

Blackiston, Robert, of C.C.C., 
Oxford, 35, 37, 39. 

Blechynden, Francis, of St. John’s 
Coll., Camb., tutor to James 
Oxinden, xxv, 45 ; account of, 

49 ; 50, 95 ; Letters from, to 
Henry Oxinden, XXXVI, 


Bohemia, 3, 9, 10. King of, see 
Frederick V, Ladislaus ; queen 
of, see Elizabeth. 

Books, Henry Oxinden *s, 48, 52, 

64, 176, 267, 298 ; to cure love, 
262, 263. 

Boswell, Sir William, Secretary to 
the Hague, xxiv ; account of, 

76 ; 78. 

Boulogne, gates of, at Hardres 
Court, 11. 

Boys, Mr., of Elmstone, 264. 

Boys, Sir Edward, xxix, 121 ; ac- 
count of, 230 ; 233 ; his wife, 
Elizabeth (Hamon), 230, 233 ; his 
seat, Fredfield (Fredville), 149. 

Braems, Arnold, Dutch merchant, 


xvii, 168 ; his seat. Bridge 
Place, xvii, 168. 

Breda, siege of, 4, 18. 

Brent, Sir Nathaniel, Warden of 
Merton College, Oxford, 85 ; 
account of, 127. Letter from, 
to Sir James Oxinden, CIX. 

Brentius, quoted by Henry Oxin- 
den, 220, 223. 

Bridge, xvii, 168 ; Bridge Hill, 
162, 175 

Bridge Place, see Braems, Arnold. 

Bridges, Stephen, of C.C C , Ox- 
ford, 36, 38, 39. 

Bristol, Earl of, John Digby (“My 
Lord Dichbie ”), 3, 9. 

Brockman, Sir William, 195 ; ac- 
count of, 195 ,* 196, 233 ; his 
seat, Beechborough, 193. 

Brooke, seat of the Oxinden family, 
m Wingham, xii. 

Brooke, seat of the Oxmden 
family, in Wingham, xii. 

Brooker, Elizabeth, see Oxinden, 
Sir Henry, of Dene. 

Brooker, James, of Maydekin, 
Barham, xviii, xix, 1. 

Brooks, the Lords, 184. 

Brooks, Mr., Adam Oxinden’s 
master, xxvii, 84, 139, 148, 150, 
208-213, 261, 303. 

Broome Hall, seat of Sir Basil 
Dixwell, xviii, xxxvi, 86 ; mak- 
ing of, 96-101 ; 139, 140. 

Bucquoy, Count de, 3, 10. 


Cambridge, University, xxiv, xxvi, 
11, 27, 45 ; plague at, 57, 58, 60, 
230 ; 66, 67, 72, 83. Colleges 
in, Emmanuel, 17, 18 ; St. 
John’s, xxv, xxvi, 1, 45, 49, 62, 
6S, 7°, 73, 83, 85, 95, 103, 104; 
making Bridge and Organs at, 
109, 185. Letters written from, 
see under Blechynden, Francis ; 
Fallowfeild, Henry ; Oxinden, 
James; Pettit, Elias. Master of 
St. John’s, see Beale, William. 
Queens’, 34, 147- 

Canterbury, cathedral of, 38, 203 ; 
attacked by Roundheads, 230. 
Chapels in ; St. Anselm, xi ; 


St. Michael, 28 ; Strangers’ 
Church in Crypt of, 12, 196 ; 
"Deanery of (Latin Play), xv, 
134 ; Dean and Chapter Lib- 
rary of, 96, 124 ; Prebends of, 
137 ; Sermon-house at, xv ; 
Tower of, “ Bell Harry,” 256, 

Canterbury, city of, xi, xiii, xv, 
xvi, xix, 1, 2, 5, 12, 59, 66, 126, 
157, 170, 175, 210, 232, 286, 
287, 290, 294 ; churches in ; St. 
Alphege, 94 ; St. Andrew, 13 1, 
232 ; St. Dunstan, xxm, 19, 20 ; 
St. Margaret, 47, 121 ; St. 
Mary Bredin, 266 ; St. Mildred, 
230 ; St. Augustine’s Palace in 
(St. Augustine’s Abbey), xxix, 
194, 212 ; inns m, Chequers, 
210 ; Queen’s Arms, 47, 105 ; 
member for, see Wilsford, Sir 
Thomas ; Mayor of, 298. 

Capell, Moses, Rector of Bets- 
hanger, 266. 

Carlell, Family, of Shelving, 124-5 . 

Carleton, Sir Dudley, Ambassador 
at the Hague, 8, 76. 

Challock, 309. 

Chapman, Mr. Libbe, 50, 58, 63. 

Charles I, Coronation of, 78 ; 137, 
141, 151, 154 ; rides to open 
Parliament, 161-2 ; 172, 183-4, 
186, 204, 239 ; is entertained at 
the Guildhall, 248 ; 255 ; visits 
Canterbury Cathedral, 256, 290; 
259, 271, 284-5, 287-8, 292 ; 
visits Archcliffe Fort, 298 ; 301, 
302, 309-10. Queen of, Hen- 
rietta Maria; 138; postpones 
her visit to the Spa, 194, 201, 
204; 255-6, 290-2,298. 

Chartham, 131, 155. 

Claringbould, tenant of Mrs. 
Katherine Oxinden, 149, 150. 

Commonwealth, 282, 284. 

Cooper, Ambrose, xix. 

Cooper, Nicholas, the Oxindens’ 
servant, xix, xx, xxv, 30, 72, 130, 

I3L 157, 277. 

Coppm, Thomas, xxiv, xxxi, 4, 5 ; 
parents of, Thomas and Silvester 
(Denne), 30. Letters of, to 
Vincent Deane, XXIV-XXVI, 


Cosin, Dr. John, 139 ; account of, 
185 ; his trial, 187-9. 

Cottington, Earl of, Lord Trea- 
surer, xxxiv, 168, 187, 194, 200. 

Coulverden, Robert, xxxii ; Letter 
of, to Henry Oxinden, CCV 
(p. 247). 

Country, Paul, Merchant of Can- 
terbury, 155. 

Courthope, Lieutenant, 175. 

Coverley, Sir Roger de, reads 
Baker’s Chronicle, xxxi. 

Cowsted, see Osborne, Edward. 

Cranley, benefice of, 16, 27, 153. 

Crayford, family of, 160 ; Mr., 
161, 162. 

Crevecceur, Robert, founds Leeds 
Abbey, 164, 165. 

Crooke, Judge, 187. 

Culling, Ellen, see Wood, Thomas. 

Culling, Goodman James, xv, 130, 
193, 225, 226, 244; 278-9 ; 

wife of, Marie (Allen), xxxiii, 
193 ; will of, 224, 229, 277. 

Culling, Katherine, afterwards 
Oxinden, xv, xxix, xxxi -xxxiii, 
193, 195 ; carried to London by 
Lady Baker, 225-240, 243-5, 251 
(“ the Partie ”), 256 ; Henry 
Oxinden’s courtship, 261-4, 268- 
70, 276-280 ; letters to, from 
Henry Oxinden, 270, 287 ; 291, 
296-7, 309. 

Culling, Leah, see Huffam, Michael. 

Culling, Mary, see Denwood, Cap- 

CutclifTe, Sir George, gives him- 
self up, 189. 


D alii son, Elizabeth (Oxinden), xv, 
xxix, xxxii, xxxvi, 80, 84, no, 
in, 116, 192, 195,225, 226,229, 
256,258,260,281,286, 295,301, 
305 . Letters of, to Henry Oxin- 
den, CC, CCXXVII ; Letters 
to, from Henry Oxinden, 236, 
238,242,250, 261,267, 269,273, 
288, 292, 298. 

Dane, William, the garner, no, 



Deal, 154. 

Delm6, Philip, Huguenot pastor, 

196, 197. 

Den, Jocosa, xi. 

Dene (Dean) , Manor of, seat of Sir 
Henry Oxinden, xii, xiii, xiv, 
147,169,190,202,261 ; spelling 
of, xxxvi . 

Denne, family of, xvi, 30 ; seat of, 
Denne Hill, xvi, 2, 30. 

Denne, Thomas, 30, 34, 177. 

Denne, Thomasin (Dane), grand- 
mother of Thomas Coppin, 30, 

Denne, Vincent, xvii, xxxi, xxxv, 

2, 30, 31 ; buys estate of Wen- 
derton, 33 ; 50, 54, 58, 62, 76, 

195, 216, 230, 278 ; his death, 

307 ; Letter of, to Henry Oxin- 
den, CLXXXIX. 

Denton, xviii, xix, xx, xxiii, 14 ; 
church of, 21 ; 29, 30, 47, 75, 

85, 96 ; court, 121 ; 126, 196. 

Denwood, Captain, 193, 277 ; wife 

of, Mary (Culling), 193, 225. 

Dering, Sir Edward, of Surrenden 
Dering, 196, 2 55 ; account of, 

283 ; his speeches, 270, 283, 

286 ; 292, 296, 298 ; wife of, 
Unton (Gibbes), 196, 283. 

Dickenson, Thomas, Cambridge 
Carrier for Kent, 49, 83. 

Digges, Sir Dudley, 96, 190 ; 

daughter of, Mary Hammond, 

Dixwell, Sir Basil of Terlingham 
and Broome Park (q.v.), 47, 85, 

86, 96-101, 126, 149, 230 ; 

Letter written by, to Henry 
Oxinden, CXX 

Dixwell, Captain John, the Regi- 
cide, 230, 232, 288 

Dohna, Christopher, Baron von, 
3,4> 9- 

Doncaster, Viscount, James Hay, 


Donne, Dr. John, xxxv ; author of 
the Expostulation, quoted, 245, 

Dover, xiii, 127, 146, 191, 194, 196, 
212, 230, 287 ; Axchcliffe Fort 
(Bulwark) in, xvi, 193, 256, 290 ; 
castle of, 127,230,283 ; member 


for, see Boys, Sir Edward ; Hey- 
man, Sir Peter ; Weston, Ben- 

Downs, Fight in, 137, 154 J 312. 

Drayton, Francis, Thomas Oxin- 
den’s Schoolmaster, 124, 140, 

Ducke, Dr., Chancellor of London, 
138, 182. 

Dundeaux (Dundy), Thomas, of 
C.C.C., Oxford, 64 

Durham, Cathedral of, 16, 185. 


Eden, Dr., 189. 

Edward III, xi. 

Elector Palatine, see under Fre- 
derick V. 

Elizabeth, Queen, xix, 106, 17 1, 
175, 195- 

Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia, xxii, 
3) 4 , io- 

Ellington, Isle of Thanet, see 
Sprakeling, Sir Adam. 


Fagge, Edward, of Faversham, 256; 
daughter of, Lady Parthench, q v. 

Falkner, Widow, tenant of Mrs. 
Richard Oxinden, 122 ; marries 
Woollett, 149 ; 150. 

Fallowfeild, Henry, Tutor of St. 
John’s Coll., Cambridge, xxv, 
xxvi, 85 ; account of, 103 ; 
Letter of, to Henry Oxinden, 

Faversham, 130, 168, 256. 

Ferdinand, see Spain, King of. 

Fiennes, William, see Lord Saye 
and Sele. 

Finch, Lord, of Fordwich, Lord 
Keeper, 138. 

Fogge, Captain Richard, 47, 124-5; 
son, of, Whittingham, 124-6. 

Folkestone, letter from, 140 ; 149, 

France, King of, 50 ; 175. 

Francklin, Thomas, of Ashford, 
Scholar of C.C.C., xxv, 68. 

Frederick V, Palsgrave, Elector 
Palatine, King of Bohemia, 3, 
9, 10, 290. 


Frederick Henry, of Nassau, 
Prince of Orange (" Count 

Fredfield (Fredville), see Boys, Sir 


Gabor, Bethlen, Prince of Tran- 
sylvania, 3, io. 

Garwinton, see Proud, Colonel 

Gathurst, see Barham. 

Gavelkind Land, 177, 278. 

Gearing, Henry, of C.C.C., Oxford, 
35, 37- 

Gilnot, Goodwife, accused of 
witchcraft, 195, 220-2. 

Godfrey, Sir Peter, 232 ; wife of, 
Sarah (Heyman), 288. 

Godfrey, Sir Thomas, of Hepping- 
ton, account of, 288 ; 290. 

Goodman, John, the Jesuit, 139. 

Goodnestone, next Faversham, 
xxvi, 168 ; death of the Vicar, 
Mr. Hunt, 260. 

Goodnestone, next Wingham, xii, 


Grand Remonstrance, 194, 254, 
257, 307- 

Gravesend, 26, 60, 89, 105. 

Great Chart, Nm’s Place in, 62. 

Great Seal, 301. 

Gnmston, Harbottle, Member for 
Colchester, 137, 162 

Guelderland, campaigns in, 29, 45 ; 
Arnim in, 80. 

Gustavus Adolphus, King of 
Sweden, 78, 89. 


Hadnam, Mr., tailor, 150, 170. 

Hales, Sir James, of Dungeon 
Manor, Canterbury, 85 ; ac- 
count of, 106 ; 312 ; Letter of, 
to Henry Oxinden, LXXXVI. 

Hales, James, Sergeant-at-Law, 

Hales, John, at Synod of Dort, 8. 

Hales, Thomas, of Bekesboume, 
85, 88 ; wife of, Ann (Peyton), 
85, 88, 89 ; sons of, Charles, 85, 
88 ; Robert, 85, 91. 

Hamilton, James, Marquis of, 78, 

79 j 136-7, 142, (“ My Lord 
Marques ”), 161. 

Hammond, Anthony, 190 ; ac- 
count of, 1 91 ; 233 ; wife of, 
Mary (Digges), 190. 

Hammond, Sir William, 8, 178 ; 
wife of, Elizabeth, (afterwards 
Balcanquall), 8 ; daughter of, 
Margaret, Lady Sandys, q v. ; 
seat of, St. Alban’s Court, 8. 

Hardres, family of, 11 ; Sir 
Thomas, n 

Hardres, Sir Richard, 2 ; account 
of, 11 ; 12, 106, 290 ; wife of, 
Ann (Godfrey), 11 ; seat of, 
Hardres Court, 2, 11, 12 ; 

Letter of, to Richard Oxinden, 

Harthpp, see Osborne, Edward. 

Hasted, author of History of Kent, 

124, 283 

Hathway, James, Vicar of Chislett, 

Hegge, Robert, Fellow of C.C.C., 
Oxford, xxv, 2, 5 ; account of, 
15 , gift to him of embroidered 
Testament, 23, 35, 46 ; hand- 
writing, xxxvi ; Letters of, to 
Richard Oxinden, X ; to Kathe- 
rine Oxinden, XVI ; to Henry 
Oxinden, XXXIII ; works of, 
Legend of St. Cuthbert, 15, 16 ; 
Treatise of Dials and Dialling , 
15 ; Catalogus of Fellows and 
Scholars , C.C.C., 15, 38 ; see 
also Leaver, Swyft. 

Hegge, Stephen, Notary-Public, 
father of Robert Hegge, 15, 39 ; 
wife of, Anne (Swyft), daughter 
of Dr. Robert Swyft, 16. 

Henman, Allen, Tutor of St. 
John’s Coll , Cambridge, xxv, 
45 ; account of, 65 ; 66. 

Henneker, Martha (Matt.) xxiii, 2, 
13) 14- 

Henry VI, xi, xii. 

Herne, Manor of Makinbrooke in, 
17 1 ; Oxinden Corner in, 171 ; 
Underdown Farm in, 17 1. 

Heyman, Sir Peter, of Sellinge, 85; 
account of, 93 ; member for 
Dover, 138, 164, 191,288; Letters 
of, to Mrs. Katherine Oxinden, 



LXXIX ; to Henry Oxinden, 

Hobday, Stephen, of Hougham, 

Holland, Travels in, xxiv, 4, 31, 
256, 285, 292 ; the Hague in, 8. 

Holt, James, Fellow of C C.C., 
Oxford, xxiv, xxv ; his writing, 
xxxvi; 2, 5, 15 ; account of, 26 ; 
45 , 153 ; Letters of, to Henry 
Oxinden, XXI, XXVIII , XXIX, 
LIX, LXIII ; Letters to, from 
the same, 66, 69 ; verses by, 36 

Holt, John, President of C.C.C., 
27, 46, 64. 

Holt, Thomas, of C.C.C., 27 ; his 
death, 64. 

Holy Scripture, quotations from, 
167, 168, 176, 221, 282, 290. 

Horses, 132, 141, 143, 146, 149, 
306 ; Bishops’, 162 ; dromicall, 

Huffam, Michael, Curate of King- 
ston, xvii, xxxii, 193, 224-7, 229, 
233-5, 238-9, 270, 277 ; wife of, 
Leah (Culling), 193, 224. 

Huffam, Stephen, Rector of St. 
Nicholas-at-Wade, 224. 


Icarus, 147, 290. 

Ileden (Ilding), see Wilsford, Sir 

Ingoldsby Legends at Tappington, 

Inns of Court, Gray’s Inn, 1, 89 ; 
Middle Temple, 6-8, 89 ; New 
Inn, 2, 7. 

Ireland, 188, 194, 248, 254-5, 258, 
302 ; “ Irish Employment,” 229, 
333, 235 ; Londonderry, 202. 

Italy, Travels m, xxiv, 10, 50, 54. 


Jackson, Thomas, President of 
C.C.C., 68. 

James I, 3, 4, 8, 15, 78, 141 ; 
works of, 176. 

James, Mr., murders a J.P., 186. 

Janssen, Comelis, paints Kentish 
families, xvii, xxx, 168. 

Jermyn,Sir Thomas, 255, 287, 292. 

John George I, Elector of Saxony, 
78, 79- 

Johnson, Henry, of Nether court, 
son of John Johnson, 84, i?5 ; 
Letter of, to Henry Oxinden, 

Johnson, John, of Nethercourt, 2, 
18, 19 ; wife of, Judith (Sprake- 
ling), 2,18; Letter of, to Richard 
Oxinden, XII. 

Jull, Adam, the Oxindens’ servant, 
117, 128, 133, 143, 148-9, 198. 

Jull, Christopher, 47. 


Kent, Committee of, 11. 

Kent, County of, xv, xxv, xxvii, 
xxx, xxxiv, 7, 11, 16, 23, 38, 49, 
58, i33> 137. I5L 155. 256, 26c 
284, 297 ; Loyalty to Parliamer * 
suspect, 302 ; 305, 306 (East). 

Kent, James, of Chartham, 85, 
130, 132-3 ; wife of, Margarit 
(Peyton), 85, 129-31, 133. 

Kilvert, Richard, 139 ; account of 
185 ; 188-9. 

Kingman, Robert, of C.C.C 
Oxford, 68, 70. * 

Kingston, church of, xvii ; xxx 
9. 97. 175. 224, 240, 287 ; cur 
of, see Huffam, Michael ; Rec, 
of, see Balcanquall, Walter. 

Kin ton, Mrs. Ellyn, xxui, 19-20 ; 
husband of, John Kinton (King- 
ton), Vicar of St. Dunstan’s, 
Canterbury, 19 ; Letter of, to 
Lady Sprakeling, XIII. 

Kitchener, Earl, of Khartoum, 
buys Broome Hall, 140. 


Ladislaus, King of Hungary and 
Bohemia, 101. 

Lafield, Dr., 189. 

Lake, William, of C.C.C., Oxford, 
35, 37- 

Lane, Dr., Master of St. John’s 
College, Cambridge, 103. 

Laud, William, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, 127, 138, 139, 142, 
163, 174, 185, 187, 191, 194,203, 
284 ; his book, The Conference 
with Fisher y 142 (footnote). 



Leaver, Thomas, Master of Sher- 
burn, 1 6 ; Sherburn Castle, 16, 


Leeds Abbey, see Meredith, Sir 

Lee-Warner, Edward, his life of 
John Warner, 203. 

Leicester, Earl of, 302, 303. 

Leopold, Archduke, of Austria, 3, 


Lewkenor, Sir Robert, of Acris 
Place, 45 ; account of, 75 ; wife 
of, Catherine (Hamon), 75 ; 
Letter of, to Henry Oxinden, 

Leyden, 4, 32, 33. 

London, xii, xxvii, xxxii, 27, 44, 
i S3, 55, 68, 78, 84, 87, 89, 91-2, 
hi, 117, 122-3, I 33, 1 37 » I 44, 
151, 154 , i6 9, *7L 174 , i82 > i8 4, 

■- 187, 202, 211, 218-9, 224-5, 229, 
231, 236-9, 244, 247-51, 255, 

' 269, 280, 283, 285-7, 295, 297, 
304, 312 ; corn-prices in, 184 ; 
Lord Mayor of, 248 ; Sheriff of, 

%»pdon, buildings in, Guildhall, 
'£48 ; Lambeth Palace, 138, 174, 
£84 ; Old Exchange, xxvii, 194, 
201, 208-9 ; Tower, 10, 138, 
187, 198, 204, 255, 284, 286 ; 
churches in, St. Benet, Paul’s 
Wharf, 78 ; St. Lawrence (riot 
at), 138, 182 ; St. Martin-m- 
the- Fields, no ; St. Mary Mag- 
dalen, xii ; inns in, Black Swan, 
no; Peacock (Blackfriars), 304, 
305 ; streets in, Aldersgate, 108 ; 
Cheapside, sign of Maydenhead 
in, xxvii, xxviii ; Fish Street, 
xxvii, 1, 39; Whitehall, 174, 

Lord Keeper, see Finch, Lyttel- 

Lushington, John, yeoman, of 
S telling, 96-7* _ . 

Lyne, Mr., agent of John, Bishop 
of Rochester, 203, 205, 206-8, 

Lyttelton, Sir Edward, Lord 
Keeper, 138, 163, 173, 187, 191, 
256,301,302; servant of, John 
Wibome, 234. 

X ; 


Maidstone, siege of, 195. 

Maidstone, Lady, Elizabeth, wife 
of Sir Moyle Finch of Eastwell, 

Man, Mr,, 230, 233- 
Manwood, Jerome, 84, 133. 
Manwood, Sir John, M.P. for 
Sandwich, Lieut.-Governor of 
Dover Castle, 127, 136 ; account 
of, 147 ; wife of, Levina (Ogle), 

Margate, lobsters caught at, xxm, 

21 , 22 ; St. John Baptist Church 
at, 22. 

Marsh, Thomas, of Brandred, xv ; 
buys Tappington Manor, 47 ; his 
son obtains coat-of-arms, 156. 
Master, Sir Edward, of Ospringe, 
136, 146 ; Sheriff of Kent ; ac- 
count of, 147 ; wife of, Ethel- 
dreda (Streynsham), 147. 

Master, Richard, of East Langdon, 
116, 136, 146, i47» I 77. 298 ; 
wife of, Anne (Oxinden), 116, 

I36 ’ 147 * ^ .. r 

May dekin, Great, residence ot 

Henry Oxinden, xix, xx, xxi, 1, 

45, 86, 91, 96, 121, 138. 

Maydekin, Little, xix, xx, 12 1 . 
Medecines, prescribed, 12, 179,191- 
Medicis, Marie de’, Queen-mother 
of France, xvi, xxix, 194 ; the 
Lords’ farewell to, 208 ; her 
court at St. Augustine’s, her pet 
dogs, 210, 212. 

Meredith, Elizabeth, see Oxinden, 
Henry of Deane. 

Meredith, Sir William, 136 ; ac- 
count of, 164-5 ; 168, 202, 306- 
7, 309 ; wife of, 167, 306-7 ; 
son of, 167 ; seat of, Leeds 
Abbey, xv, xxix, 136, 139 ; de- 
scription of, 165-6 ; 169, 302, 

306,309,313- _ „ 

Militia Ordnance, of Long Parlia- 
ment, xxxiv, 256, 301, 308, 309, 
3IL 3«- 
Molash, 309, 31 1. 

Monings, Edward, Sheriff of Kent, 
287, 312 ; his seat, Waldershare 
Park, 284. 

Monkton, 24* 


Montague, Walter, 185, 256, 292. 

Mowbray, Lord, 194, 204. 


Neile, Dr. Richard, Bishop of 
Winchester, Visitor of C.C.C., 
Oxford, 68 ; his chaplain, Mr. 
Duncombe, 68. 

Nethersole, Sir Francis, Secretary 
to Elizabeth of Bohemia, xvi, 
xxii, 4, 10, 47. 

Nethersole, Goodman, of Barham, 
105 ; Goodwife, 125. 

Nevinson, Margaret, see Oxinden, 
Sir James. 

Nevinson, Sir Roger, of Eastry, 1. 

Newcastle, 137, 151. 

Newlyn, Robert, of CCC., Ox- 
ford, 35, 37. 

Newman, Mr., Richard Oxinden’s 
Master, xxvii, 1, 39-41. 

Nicholas, Sir Edward, 254, 259. 

Northbourne, Funeral of Henry 
Sandys at, 178. 

North Downs, xiii, xiv, 29, 175, 
194, 290. 

Nova Scotia, Baronets of, 141. 


Ogle, Sir William, 304. 

Orange, Prince of, see Frederick 

Osborne, Dorothy, Letters of, 
quoted, xxx. 

Osborne, Edward, of Hartlipp and 
Cowsted, 30, 62, 63 ; wife of, 
Mary (Denne) ; son of, John, 30, 
3L 33, 64. 

Ovid, 18 1 ; quoted by Sir Edward 
Dering, 284. 

Oxford, city of, xxvii, 42, 46, 78, 
*39> x 59, 202. 

Oxford, University of, xxiv, xxvi, 
14-15, 71, 74, 105, 127, iSL 
153, X S7 , i6 9, 187 ; colleges in, 
Corpus Christi, xxiv, xxv, 1, 2, 
5, 14-7, 26, 38, 45, 54, 64, 68, 
72, 74 ; Merton, 127 ; Pem- 
broke, 8 ; Wadham, 85, 105. 

Oxinden, Adam, son of Richard 
Oxinden, xxvii, 53, 84-5, 129, 
133 , 139 , 148, 150, 152, 176 ; 
sends in his master’s bill, 189 ; 

194, 198 ; met by Sir Thomas 
Peyton in the Old Exchange, 
201 ; leaves the Exchange, 268- 
19 ; 250, 257-8, 261, 300, 302-4; 
Letters of, to Henry Oxinden, 
Letter to, from Henry Oxinden, 

Oxinden, Allan, xi. 

Oxinden, Anne, see Master, 

Oxinden, Anne (Peyton), wife of 
Henry Oxinden of Maydekin, 
xx, xxii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi, 85-88, 
90, 105, 108, 112, 116, 120, 122, 
129, 130-3 ; death of, 139, 179 ; 
175 , 273, 276 ; Letter of, to 
Henry Oxinden, CXIV ; letters 
to, from Sir Thomas Peyton, 88 ; 
from Edward Peyton, 105 ; from 
Henry Oxinden, 129. 

Oxinden, Edward, of Brooke, xiii. 

Oxinden, Elizabeth (“ Bes ”), 
daughter of Richard Oxinden, 
xx, xxviii, 53, 84, 89, 122, 133-5, 
144, 150-1, 159, i 8 9, 192, 203, 
218-20, 248, 260, 264, 393 ; 
Letter of, to Henry Oxinden, 
CXIX (A). 

Oxinden, Henry, of Dene, xii, xiii. 

Oxinden, Henry, of Maydekin, 
Barham, xii, xv, xvi, xviii, xx- 
xxxiii, xxxv, xxxvi, 1, 5, 6 ; at 
Oxford, 14-7 ; 23, 26, 45, 46, 
50, 59, 83-5, 121, 137-9, x 47, 
196, 224 ; Letters of, to James 
Holt, LVI, LVIII ; to Sir Basil 
Dixwell, LXXXI ; to James 
Oxinden, XCVI, Cl, CXL, 
CXLIV, CXLVI ; to Valentine 
Pettit, CV ; to Henry Oxinden 
CCXXIX ; to Thomas Barrow, 
Katherine Oxinden, CIII, CX, 
to Francis Drayton (his son’s 
schoolmaster), CVI ; to Mr. 
Richardson, CVI I ; to his wife, 
Mrs. Anne Oxinden, CXIII ; 
fragment, p. 147 ; to Sir Thomas 



Peyton, CXLIII, CLXXI 1 I, 
CLXXX ; to Mr. Hadnam, the 
•tailor, CXLV ; to John, Bishop 
of Rochester, CLXXIX ; to 
Adam Oxinden, CLXXXVII ; 
to Vincent Denne, CLXXXVIII ; 
to Robert Bargrave, CXCIII 
(pleading for a witch’s life) ; to 
Michael Huffam, CXCIV, 

CXCVII ; to Margaret, Lady 
Oxinden, CXCV, CXCIX ; 

to Elizabeth Dallison, CXCVI, 


Oxinden, CXCIX, CCXVI ; to 
certain Puritan divines , CCXVI I ; 
to Katherine Culling, CCXX, 
CCXXV ; Letters to, from 

Thomas Barrow, 176, 182-4, 188- 
9, 192, 197, 200, 208, 213, 217, 
248, 258, 260, 310 ; Francis 
Blechynden, 49, 51, 57, 60, 61, 
63 , 65 ; Robert Coulverden, 
247 ; Elizabeth Dallison, 233, 
291 ; Vincent Denne, 217 ; Sir 
Basil Dixwell, 139 ; Henry 
Fallowfeild, 103 ; Sir James 
Hales, 106 ; Robert Hegge, 46 ; 
Sir Peter Heyman, 107 ; James 
Holt, 26, 35, 38, 42, 52, 64, 68, 
71, 74 ; Henry Johnson, 115 ; 
Sir Robert Lewkenor, 75 ; Adam 
Oxinden, 189, 209, 300 ; Mrs. 
Anne Oxinden, 130 ; Elizabeth 
Oxinden, 135 ; Henry Oxinden 
of Deane, 89, no, 144, 146-7, 
151-2, 154, 160, 177, 190, 196, 
202, 210, 234, 257, 271, 283, 301, 
306-7, 3 11, 313 ; James Oxin- 
den, 48, 52, 71, 73, 81, 92, 95, 
102, 109, 113, 153, 157, 181, 186; 
Sir James Oxinden, 53, 72, 75, 
90, no, hi, 126, 143, 171, 180, 
260, 265 ; Mrs. Katherine 

Oxinden, 92, 122, 133, 150 ; 
Margaret, Lady Oxinden, 132, 
179, 191 ; Richard Oxinden, 26, 
29 ; Richard Oxinden, the 
younger, 43, 104, 304 ; Samuel 
Peyton, 91 ; Sir Thomas Peyton, 
107, 141, 145, 155, 160, 172, 174, 

178, 201 ; Mrs. Mary Proud, 
120 ; John, Bishop of Rochester, 
203, 207, 259 ; Dr. Francis 
Rogers, 47 ; John Rowland, 54 ; 
Henry Saunders, 86 ; Robert 
Sprakeling, 55, 57 ; Edward 
Swan, 190 ; Sir Thomas Wils- 
ford, 175. 

Oxinden, Henry, of Deane, xiv, xv, 
xxxiii, 84, 86 ; account of, 89 ; 
131, 136-7, 139 , 148 ; his mar- 
riage to Elizabeth Meredith, 
164; 168, 193-4, 200 (“ The 
Captaine ”), 212, 229, 233, 247, 
250-2, 254-6, 258, 260-1 ; 

Letters of, to Henry Oxinden of 
Maydekin, LXXIII, XCI, 
CCXL ; Letters to, from Henry 
Oxinden of Maydekin, 116, 281, 
295 ; 1st wife of, Mary (Baker), 
86, no ; 2nd wife of, Elizabeth 
(Meredith), xv, xxix, 136, 139, 
160, 164-8, 177, 194, 197, 212. 

Oxinden, Sir Henry, of Deane, xiii, 

xiv, xviii, xix, 1, 288 ; 1st wife 
of, Elizabeth (Brooker), xiv, xix, 
1 ; 2nd wife of, Mary (Theo- 
bald), 1, 5, 288. 

Oxinden, James, of Deane, slain in 
duel, xv, 84, 133. 

Oxinden, Sir James, of Deane, xiii- 

xv, xviii, xxn, xxviii, 1,3,4, 46, 
80, 84, 86, 89, 116-8, 123, 133, 
136, 148, 168, 184, 186, 190, 192, 
200, 233, 236, 240, 241, 256, 
267, 269, 276, 280, 288, 291-3, 
299, 305 ; Letters of, to Richard 
Oxinden, II ; to Henry Oxin- 
CCXIII, CCXV ; to Mrs. 
Katherine Oxinden, XLVIII ; 
wife of, Margaret (Nevinson), 
Lady Oxinden, xiv, xv, xxviii, 
xxix, 1, 5> 78, 80, 86, hi, 116, 


133; 139, 144, 161, 167, 187, 190, 

225, 229, 230, 236, 24O-I, 250, 
258, 262, 268, 280, 288, 29I, 
293, 299 ; Letters of, to Henry 
Oxinden, CXVI, CLIV, 
CLXVII ; to Mrs. Katherine 
Oxinden, CCXXXIV. 

Oxinden, James, son of Richard 
Oxinden, xxv, xxvi, 45, 60-2 ; 
sits for Scholarship at C.C.C., 
65-71 ; fails to win it, 74 ; 83, 
85, 103, 122, 138-9, 151-2, 185, 
188, 194, 218-9, 229, 247-8,256- 
7 ; applies for living of Good- 
nestone, 260-1, 265-7 ; 269, 299, 
305 ; his marriage, 310 ; Letters 
of, to Henry Oxinden, XXXV, 
CLVII, CLXI ; to Sir Thomas 
Peyton, CXXXIX ; Letters to, 
from Henry Oxinden, 114, 118, 
158, 168, 170. 

Oxinden, Jane, see Piers, Sir 

Oxinden , J ohn , of W ingham , xi , xii . 

Oxinden, Mrs. Katherine (Sprake- 
ling), wife of Richard Oxinden 
of Maydekin, xviu, xxv, xxviii, 
xxix, xxxvi, 1, 2, 69, 73, 85, 89, 
116 ; 152-3, i59> 175 ; her ill- 
ness, 1 91 -2 ; 200 ; her anxiety 
about Adam’s career, 210-2, 
215-9 ; 248 ; her dislike of 

Katherine Culling, 252, 269-70, 
293-5 ; 297, 309 *, Letters of, to 
Henry Oxinden, LXXVI, CIV, 
CXVIII, CXXIX ; to Sir Peter 
Heyman, LXXVIII ; to Thomas 
Barrow, C; Letters to, from 
Robert Hegge, 23 ; from Sir 
James Oxinden, 59 ; from Sir 
Peter Heyman, 94 ; from Henry 
Oxinden, 121, 128, 131, 133, 
134, 143, 148, 1 51 ; from Adam 
Oxinden, 300 ; from Thomas 
Barrow, 302 ; from Margaret, 
Lady Oxinden, 303. 

Oxinden, Katherine, see Barrow, 

Oxinden, Margaret (Chudleigh), 
Lady, 140. 

Oxinden, Richard, of Wingham,xi. 
Oxinden, Richard, Prior of Christ- 
church, xi. % 

Oxinden, Richard, xii ; wife of, 
Jane de Wenderton, xii. 

Oxinden, Richard, of Maydekin, 
Barham, xiii, xviii, xx, xxii, xxv, 
xxix, 1, 3, 4> 45 ; his death, 46 ; 
268, 275 ; Letters of, to Sir 
James Oxinden, I, III ; to 
Valentine Pettit, XIV (draft) ; 
to Henry Oxinden, XX, XXIII ; 
Letters to, from Sir James Oxin- 
den, 6 ; from Charles Tripp, 7 ; 
from Sir Richard Hardres, 11 ; 
from Robert Hegge, 14 ; from 
John Johnson, 18 ; from Valen- 
tine Pettit, 21, 22, 24, 39 ; from 
Francis Tilghman, 24 ; wife of, 
see Katherine (Sprakeling). 
Oxinden, sons of, see Henry, 
James, Richard, and Adam 
Oxinden ; daughters of, see 
Elizabeth Oxinden, Katherine 

Oxinden, Richard, the younger 
(“ Dick ”), son of Richard Oxin- 
den, 1 ; his apprenticeship, 40-3 ; 
59, 85, 92 ; his debt to Mrs. 
Proud, 120, 122, 123 ; 194, 229, 
235, 250-1 ; Letters of, to Henry 
Oxinden, XXXII, LXXXIV, 
CCXXXV ; to Valentine Pettit, 
the younger, LXVIII. 

Oxinden, Solomon, of Nonington, 


Oxinden, Thomas, son of Henry of 
Maydekin, xxx, 91, 149, 159, 

179, 274, 276. 

Oxinden, Thomas, of Dene, xii ; 
wife of, Elizabeth (Rainscroft), 


Oxinden, William, of Brooke, xii. 

Palmer, Henry, knighted, 288-9. 
Palmer, Sir Henry, of Wingham, 
29, 34, 164. 

Palmer, Herbert, Master of Queens* 
College, Cambridge, 34, 197. 
Palmer, Sir Thomas, of Wingham, 
account of, 34 ; 53, 146, 152, 
197, 202, 212, 233, 312 ; Letter 



of, to Sir James Oxinden, 
XXVII; wife of, Elizabeth 
fShirley), Lady Palmer, 34, 144, 
167, 187. 

Parier, Matthew, Archbishop of 
Canterbury, ancestor of Kathe- 
rine Culling, xxxiii. 

Parser, William, 18 ; wife of, 
Elizabeth (Pettit), 18. 

Parliament, 136 ; opening of 
Short, 137, 161-4 ; dissolution 
of, 138, 173 ; 142, 154, 167, 
I 74-S ,* proceedings of Long, 
191, 198-9, 204, 255 ; removes 
to Mercers’ Hall, 256, 287 ; 283, 
295-7, 3 0I » 309, 312 ; House of 
Commons, 172-3, 204, 254-5, 
271, 283, 285, 289 ; House of 
Lords, 138, 172, 174, 204, 208, 
254-5,271-2, 285,288, 301, 306- 
7, 310, 312. 

Parliament, Acts of ; Impress- 
ment Bill, 254 ; 259 ; Militia 
Ordinance, 256, 295, 301-2, 

31 1-2 ; Root and Branch Bill, 
283 ; Tonnage and Poundage, 

Parry, Henry, of C.C.C., Oxford, 
35, 37-9,43* 

Parthench, Sir Edward, member 
for Sandwich, xvii ; account of, 
168 ; 304, 307 ; his wife, Mary 
(Fagge), Lady Partherich, 168, 
170, 256, 260. 

Paske, Dr. Thomas, Master of 
Clare Hall, Cambridge, account 
of, 230 ; 232. 

Patrixbourne, xvii ; church of, 112. 

Pattison, Mrs. Maria, marries 
James Oxinden, 310. 

Pembroke, Earl of, Philip Herbert, 
Lord Chamberlain, 1 94, 204, 272. 

Penniman, Sir William, 189. 

Pennington, Admiral Sir John, 137, 

Percivall, Captain, afterwards Sir 
Anthony, of Archcliffe Fort, 
xvi, 121, 168, 193 ; account of, 
195 J 196-7, 256, 298, 307 ; wife 
of, Gertrude (Gibbes), 196, 284, 

Percy, Lord Henry, 255, 287. 

Petitions, Artificers, 255 ; coun- 

ties, various, 255, 271 ; Canter- 
bury, 298 , handicraftsmen, and 
porters, 285 ; Kentish, 288, 297; 
to Lord Saye and Sele, 260 ; 
Women, 285. 

Pettit, Cleve, 2, 4, 18. 

Pettit, Elias, 2, 4, 17, 18 ; Letter of, 
to Henry Pettit, XI. 

Pettit, Henry, 2, 13, 14 ; his death, 
19 , his monument, 21 ; letters 
to, from Elias Pettit, 17 ; from 
Valentine Pettit, 13, 14 ; wife of, 
Hanna (Sprakelmg), xxiii, 2, 19, 
21, 134 ; her death, 270 ; letter 
to, from Valentine Pettit, 25. 

Pettit, Henry (Captain Pettit of 
Daundelion), son of Henry and 
Hanna, 2, 22. 

Pettit, Paul, lawyer, 2, 25, 39, 123, 
134, 188. 

Pettit, Valentine, of Daundelion, 
xxiii, 2 ; 1 st wife of, Mary 

(Cleve), 2 ; 2nd wife of, Martha 
(Henneker), 2, 14 ; Letters of, 
to Henry Pettit, VIII, IX ; to 
Richard Oxinden, XIV, XV, 

Pettit, Valentine, the younger, 
Clothworker, xxvii, 2, 21, 39, 
40 (footnote), 73,79, 120, 122-3 ; 
wife of, Elizabeth (Morse), 2, 40 
(footnote) ; Letters of, to Hanna 
Pettit, XIX ; to Richard Oxin- 
den, XXX. 

Peyton, Anne, see Anne Oxinden. 

Peyton, Edward, of Wadham Col- 
lege, Oxford, xxx, 85, 105 ; 
Letter of, to Mrs. Anne Oxinden 

Peyton, Elizabeth, see Bargrave, 

Peyton, Margaret, see Kent, James 

Peyton , Mary (Aston) , Lady , widow 
of Sir Samuel Peyton, xxii, 84, 
88 ; Letter from, to Mrs. Anne 
Oxinden, LXXI. 

Peyton, Sir Samuel, of Knowlton, 
XXX, 84, 87-8. 

Peyton, Samuel, the younger, xxx, 
85 ; Letter of, to Henry Oxin- 
den, LXXV. 

Peyton, Sir Thomas, of Knowlton, 
78, 85, 87, H5> 12a, 130-1. *34. 



136-9, 154, 157-8, 168, 194; 
member for Sandwich, 198 ; 274, 
275-6 ; wife of, Anne (Osborne), 
xxx ; Letters from, to Mrs. Anne 
Oxinden, LXXII ; to Henry 
CLV, CLXXV ; to the Mayor 
and Jurats of Sandwich, 
CLXXII ; Letters to, from 
Henry Oxinden, 164, 199, 206 ; 
from James Oxinden, 158. 

Phaeton, 178, 290. 

Philipott, John, Somerset Herald, 
xvi, 45-6 ; account of, 76-8 ; 
162 ; Letters of, to Sir James 
Oxinden, LXVII ; to Edward 

Piers, Sir Thomas, of Stonepitt, 
Baronet of Nova Scotia, account 
of, 1 41 ; 167, 287 , wife of, 

Jane (Oxinden), 116, 144, 287. 

Pluckley, church at, 284. 

Pocock, Edward, of C.C.C., 
Oxford, Laudian Professor of 
Arabic etc., 42-3. 

Postmen (Canterbury), 7, 25 ; 

(Sandwich), 8. 

Proud, Sir John, 29 ; wife of, Anne 
(Fagge), 29, 168. 

Proud, Colonel William, of Gar- 
winton, xvii, xxvii, 2 ; 28 (his 
epitaph), 29, 45, 80. 

Proud, Mary (Sprakeling), wife of 
Colonel William Proud, xxiii, 
xxviu, xxix, xxxvi, 2, 29, 80, 85, 
92, 121 , 123 ; her estate at 
Wollage Green, 120 ; Letters of, 
to Lady Sprakeling, XXII ; to 
Henry Oxinden, Cl I. 

Pym, John, xxxv, 137 ; his 
speeches in parliament, 1 63 , 255 , 

271-3. 296. 


Rainbow, Edmund, Bishop of Car- 
lisle, 64. 

Rainbow, John, of C.C.C., Oxford, 


Randolph, Dr. Edmund, of Canter- 
bury, xxviii ; account of, 13 1; 
132, 134 ; sons of, 13 1. 

R6, Island of, 4, 33. 

Richards, Gabriel, 25, 134, 233. 

Richardson, Mr., Lawyer, :S 4, 

Richmond, James Stuart, Duke of, 
Lord High Steward, 254-5, 359, 

Rochester, 9 ; Bishop of, see 
Warner, John ; Dean of, see 
Balcanquall, Walter. 

Rogers, Francis, Rector of Denton, 
45, 47, 105, 121, 132 ; wife of, 
Thomasme (Fagge), 47 ; Letter 
of, to Henry Oxinden, XXXIV. 

Rowland, John of, C.C.C., Oxford 
36, 38, 39. 43 ; Letter of, to 
Henry Oxinden, XLIII. 

Rudyerd, Sir Benjamin, 137, 162. 

Rupert, Prince, 301. 


St Nicholas, Timothy, 148-9. 

St. Paul, preaching of, 221, 257. 

Sampson, John, of C.C.C., Oxford, 
35, 37- 

Sandwich, xiii, xiv, 2, 12, 14, 78, 
115, 147, 162, 194, 198-9, 230 ; 
Bailiff of, see Philipott, John ; 
Dolphin Inn in, 115 ; members 
for, see Boys, Sir Edward ; 
Manwood, Sir John ; Parthe- 
rich, Sir Edward ; Peyton, Sir 

Sandy s, Edwin, Archbishop of 
York, 175. 

Sandys, Colonel Edwin, “ Ned,” 
116 ; desecrates Canterbury 
Cathedral, 230 ; furnishes 20 
horse for Parliament, 256, 312. 

Sandys, Sir Edwin, of North- 
bourne, author of Europae Specu- 
lum , 175, 178. 

Sandys, Henry, his funeral, 178. 

Saunders, Francis, of Monkton, 2, 
24 ; wife of, Frances (Sprake- 
ling), 2, 24* 

Saunders, Henry, son of Francis, 
84 ; Letter from, to Henry 
Oxinden, LXX. 

Saville, Lord, Secretary to Charles 

Savoy, Duke of, 54- 

Saye and Sele, Lord, William 



Fiennes, 138, 163, 254, 260, 266, 

S<ftt, Reynold, his Discovene of 
Witchcraft , quoted, 220. 

Scotland, 137, 141-2, 144, 151, 
194, 204, 208 ; the Scots, 138, 
142, 154, 184, 204, 208. 

Sects, 257, 258, 310. 

Sedan, 89, 90. 

Seaeca, quoted, 82. 

Seymour, Sir Francis, 137, 162. 

Sharpe, Family of, 62. 

Shelton, offers marriage to Kathe- 
rine Culling, xxxii, 244. 

Shepheard, Henry Oxinden’s mes- 
senger, 83, 119, 128, 130, 202, 
241, 266. 

Sheriff of Kent, 287 ; see Brock- 
man, Sir William ; Master, Sir 
Edward ; Monings, Edward. 

Siipmoney, 187. 

Smallpox, 41, 94, 181, 195, 216-7. 

Smart, Peter, Canon of Durham, 
attacks Dr. Cosin, 185. 

Spa, visit of Henrietta Maria to the, 
194, 203, 204. 

Spam, 3, 9, 10 ; King of, Ferdi- 
nand, 3, 9, 10 ; offers loan to 
Charles I, 173 ; Spaniards, 50, 

Sparke, Noel, of C.C.C., Oxford, 
35, 37- 

Sports, Field ; Coursing, 116, 147, 
177-8 ; Fox-hunting, 146, 196 ; 
Hawking, Hawks, 12, 19, 85, 
106-7, 178 ; Spaniels, xv, 85, 

Sprakelmg, Sir Adam, of Ellington, 
Isle of Thanet, xvm, xxvii, 1, 
18, 21 ; wife of, 

Sprakeling, Katherine (Esday), 
Lady, xxiii, xxiv, 1, 18, 29; 
Letter to, from Dr. Jacob Van- 
derslaert, 12 ; from Ellyn Kin- 
ton, 19 ; from Mrs. Mary 
Proud, 28. 

Sprakeling, Elizabeth (“ Sister 
Sprakeling ”), xxiii, 45, 55 ; her 
trees are felled, 56. 

Sprakeling, Hanna, see Pettit, 

Sprakeling, Katherine, see Oxin- 
den, Mrs. Katherine. 

Sprakeling, Margery, see Tilgh- 
man, Francis. 

Sprakeling, Robert, 45 ; Letters of, 
to Henry Oxmden, XLIV, XLV. 

Stephan, Francis, Henry Oxinden’s 
messenger, 118-9 

Stour, Lesser, or Nailbourne, xiii, 
xiv, xvii, 9. 

Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, 
Earl of, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 
xxxiv, 138, 139, 184, 186, 188, 
191. 193-4. 197-8. 

Stratford, George, of C.C.C., 
Oxford, 35, 37- 

Streatehay, Mr., partner to Thomas 
Barrow, 122, 148, 183. 

Suffolk, Earl of, Thomas Howard, 
tried by Star Chamber, 4, 10. 

Swan, Edward, 121, 139, 149, 196 ; 
Letter from, to Henry Oxinden, 
CLXVI ; letter to, from John 
Philipott, 156. 

Swan, Sir Francis ; account of, 

Swan, John, Rector of Denton, 85 ; 
account of, 121 ; 122, 130 ; 

hires Little May dekin, 149 ; 184, 
189 ; lectures in St. Andrew’s 
Church, 232 ; his daughter’s 
christening, 264 ; 265-6. 

Swyft, Mrs. Anne, of South Bailey, 
Durham, grandmother of Robert 
Hegge, 16. 

Sympson, Nicholas, of C.C.C., 
Oxford and Canterbury, account 
of, 38 ; 39, 65 ; John, father of, 
Nicholas, grandfather of, 38. 


Taylor, Mr., member of Parlia- 
ment, 193, 197-8. 

Theobald, Sir George, 212 ; ac- 
count of, 288 ; 291, 298. 

Theobald, Mary, see Oxinden, Sir 

Theobalds, court at, 3, 4, 9 
(Tibolls), 78, 1 21. 

Thirty Years’ War, incidents in, 
xxii, 3-5, 9, 10, 28, 89, 139. 

Thompson, Sir William and Lady, 

Tilghman, Francis, of Snodland 
and Sarre, 2, 24 ; wife of, Mar- 



gery (Sprakeling) , 2, 24 ; Letter 
of, to Richard Oxinden, XVII. 

Toke (Tooke), Mr., of Bere, xvi, 

Tripp, Charles, of New Inn and 
Trapham, 2, 7-8 ; Letter of, to 
Richard Oxinden, IV. 


Union, of Protestant Princes, 3, 


Vanderslaert, Dr. Jacob, of Sand- 
wich, xxiii, 2, 12, 13 ; Letter of, 
to Lady Sprakeling, VII. 

Vane, Sir Henry, 254, 259. 

Vaughan, Edmund, of C.C.C., 
Oxford, 35, 37 

Venice Seigniory, 3, 10 

Vere, Sir Horace, Baron Vere of 
Tilbury, 4, 31. 


Waldersheare Wood, xxxvi, 96-7. 

Wallenstein, Adalbert von, Duke 
of Friedland, 78- 9. 

Waller, Stephen, of C.CC., Ox- 
ford, 35-7, 39. 

Warner, John, Bishop of Rochester, 
xxxiv ; Mr. Walner, 126 ; 193- 
5 ; account of, 203 ; 205, 207, 
259 ; Letters of, to Henry Oxin- 

Warner, William, xxxv ; author of 
Albion's England , 242, 245, 263 ; 

characters in, Gynetta, 24s, 563 ; 
Erickmon, 263 ; quotations fmm, 
242, 245-6, 263. % 

Webb, Benedictus, C.C.C., Ox- 
ford, 35, 37, 68, 70. 

Wenderton, see Denne, Vmcen:. 

Westminster, 55, 186 ; Old Paace 
Yard in, 197, 255 ; 258, 271. 

Westminster Abbey, 27 ; Caron 
of, Dr. Newell, 68. 

Weston, Benjamin, member for 
Dover, 191. 

Williams, John, Bishop of Linco'n, 
138, 185, 187. 

Wilsford (Wilford), Sir Thomas of 
Ileden, xvii, xxxii, 136, 138 ; 
account of, 175 ; 212, 223 ; wife 
of, Elizabeth (Sandys), 17; ; 
daughters of, Alice, 223, 24^ ; 
Frances, Lady Baker, qv ; 
Letter written by, to Hen-y 
Oxinden, CL. 

Wmgham, xi-xiv, 1, 6, 78, 13?, 
168, 309 ; church of, xi-xiv, 7, 
30 ; College of Priests at, id, 
xiii, xiv, 7, 34, Inn at, the Red 
Lion, xm, xiv. * 

Wollage Green, estate of Mrs. 
Mary Proud, 29, 120-1. 

Wood, Thomas, 193, 270 ; wife of, 
Ellen (Culling), 193, 227, 277. 

Wood, Mr., 125-6. 

Wrotham, parish of, 155. 

Wymynswold, xvi, xxii, 4. 

Wyxworth, John, Lyon King at 
Arms, xi, xii. 


Solomon Oxinden, =Jbcosa Den 
temp . Ed. Ill I 

Allan O 

Richard O. of Wmgham 

Richard, Prior 
of Christchurch, 
d. 1338 

Richard O. = Isabella de Twittham, 
of Wmgham, I bu. in St. John’s Chapel 
temp. Richard II 

John O. = Isabella de Ratling 
Wingham, temp. Henry VI | 

Richard O. =Jane de Wenderton 
f Wingham, 
d. 1469 

Thomas 0 .=Jane Orleston 
of Reculver, I 
d. 1450 

Thomas 0 ,= Elizabeth Rainscroft 
of Dene, d. 1492 j of London 

Edward O. — Alice Barton 
of Dene 

William 0 .= Elizabeth Hyles 
d. 1576 
(no issue) 

Valentine Pettit =ist Mary Cleve 
of Dandelion I 

Valentine 2nd, Cleve 


Paul Elizabeth = W. Park 

b. 1597 b. 



c. 1600 



Sir Sa 

Sir Thomas Peyton = 

Henry O. = Elizabeth Young 
of Dene, I 

Sir Adam Sprakeling = Katherine Esday 
d. 1613 I d. 1627 

Henry 1 st, = Hanna Judith = John Johnson Mary = Col. Proud Katherine = Richard Oxinden Frances = Francis Margery = Francis 

1596-1624 (10th da.) of Barham Sanders Tilghman 

( see below) 

Sir Thomas Peyton of Knowlton=Anne Calthorpe 
d. 1611 I 


Anne = Thomas Hales 

eldest son of Sir Charles Hales 

ie Osborne 

Anne = Henry Oxinden 

Margaret = James Kent 

Samuel Edward 

b. of Barham, 

of Wadham Coll., 

1613 1632 


{see below) 

si Peyton = Mary Aston 

Edward O. 
of Brook 

(heir to uncle, William O.) 

Sir Henry 0 ., = Elizabeth 

Kt., of Dene 

da. and 

ress of 

ir Henry Oxinden = 1 st wife, Mai^ Baker 
of Deane, Bart , 2nd wife, Elizabeth 
1614-1686 Meredith of 

Leeds Abbey, 
m. 1640 

Anne = Richard 
b. 1607 Master 

Sir James 0 . = i6o5 Margaret Nevinson 
of Deane, j 

Elizabeth = William Jane = Sir Thomas Piers James, 

(3rd da.) Dallison (4th Bart, of d. 1638 

1610-1665 1609-1642 da.) Nova Scotia 
b. 1618 

1 Lard 0 .=i6o7 Katherine Sprakeling 

0 irham, I 

1 -1629 


Oxinden = Anne Peyton, 
3 arham m. 1632, d. 1640 

son Thomas, 2 das.) 

= Katherine Culling, 
m. 1642 

James = Maria Pattison 

Vicar of 
by Faversham 

Richard, Adam, Katherine = Thomas Barrow 

b. 1613 1622-1643 b. 1610 

b. 1616 

(1 da. survived) 


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